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Charles Edward [Charles Edward Stuart; styled Charles; known as the Young Pretender, Bonnie Prince Charlie]free

(1720–1788)
  • Murray G. H. Pittock

Charles Edward (1720–1788)

by Louis Gabriel Blanchet, 1738

Charles Edward [Charles Edward Stuart; styled Charles; known as the Young Pretender, Bonnie Prince Charlie] (1720–1788), Jacobite claimant to the English, Scottish, and Irish thrones, was born Charles Edward Louis John Casimir Silvester Severino Maria at the Palazzo Muti, Rome, on 31 December 1720 ns, the eldest son of James Francis Edward (1688–1766) and Clementina, née Sobieska, princess of Poland (1702–1735). He was baptized on the evening of his birth by Bishop Bonaventura, whose name Sir Walter Scott would subsequently use as a pseudonym for the prince himself.

Early years and education

Charles was brought up at the Palazzo Muti, the Stuart residence in Rome. His father doted on his Carluccio, awarding him 'the Garter and the St Andrew' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 14) on 25 December 1722. By the age of three his liking for music and play on the violin were remarked on by John Hay, titular earl of Inverness. In January 1724 the Roman Catholic convert Andrew Ramsay was appointed as his tutor, an intriguing choice terminated by court infighting that November, when the gifted philosophe Ramsay was replaced by James Murray (whom James made Jacobite earl of Dunbar) as governor, and Thomas Sheridan, Stuart emissary in Vienna, as under-governor. This was a decision opposed by Clementina (partly on personal grounds, partly on the grounds that Murray was an episcopalian), and formed part of the circumstances which began the breakdown of Charles's parents' marriage in 1725, about the time of the birth of his brother, Henry Benedict. In November his mother left to go into a convent. Clementina appealed to the pope, and inquiry was made into 'the extent of Anglican practices in the Palazzo Muti' (ibid., 18). The pope stated his opposition to a non-Catholic tutor, and allegations circulated to the effect that Charles had been taught to laugh at the angelus and despise priests and monks. At the beginning of 1726 Philip V of Spain added his voice in opposition, and when James's papal pension was halved, following support for the pope from the general of the Society of Jesus, he decided to remove to Bologna. Before this happened, the pope personally catechized Charles at an audience on 16 September to ensure that he was being brought up a Catholic. The prince then accompanied his father to Bologna, where he stayed for the next three years: Sheridan, to whom Charles became closely attached, undertook most of his day-to-day education because of the controversy over Murray. Even at this young age riding, shooting, tennis, shuttlecock, languages (English, French, Italian), and dancing were among the prince's accomplishments, to which golf was soon to be added. He impressed his cousin, the duke of Liria, on a visit in 1727.

A brief reconciliation between his parents in 1727–8 was undermined by Clementina's nervousness and depression: in May Charles wrote a 'very sad letter to his father in Rome, promising not to upset his mother by jumping near her' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 27). In April 1729 Charles returned with his father to the Palazzo Muti, while his mother remained in Bologna: Clementina did, however, come to Rome subsequently, although James as a consequence spent much of the time at his summer residence at Albano with his sons. While in Rome Charles rode, promenaded, attended mass, and socialized: in June the philosophe Montesquieu was very taken by both princes. James, meanwhile, began to plan his elder son's future: an idea that he should marry the Austrian emperor's youngest daughter being succeeded by the suggestion of an alliance to the princess of Mecklenbourg.

In July 1730 Charles suffered an attack of smallpox: but his youth no doubt helped to save him from death or disfigurement. At this time, his bad behaviour is remarked on: his parents' marriage, his mother's condition, his father's melancholy, and the fact that Murray wished to resign as his tutor must all have been contributing factors. When the prince's will was thwarted he fell ill: a pattern of behaviour which was to continue into his adult life. In 1732–3 James explored the possibility of the prince's going to Switzerland to be educated (as Cardinal Fleury suggested) or to France (the option backed by Viscount Bolingbroke, James's former secretary of state). James held out for Paris, but France's treaties with Britain made this impracticable.

In September 1733 relations between Charles and his tutor broke down when he kicked Murray and threatened to kill him if he attempted to chastise him again. Confined for a week until he cooled down, Charles conducted himself in a way that disturbed his father. The prince was growing up on his own terms: talented (as the sketch reputed to be by him in the Blaikie Collection at Edinburgh shows), but frustrated. In 1734 Liria, who was commanding the 2nd division of the Spanish army in Italy, asked James to request permission from Madrid for Charles to serve with the Spanish forces. In August Charles was with his cousin at the siege of Gaeta, where his conversation and charm alike impressed. His public reputation blossomed, and he began to be viewed by British agents as a potentially greater threat than his father, while the idea of replacing James by Charles as the Jacobite figurehead gained momentum.

By the end of 1734 Clementina was dangerously ill with scurvy and a fever. On 13 and 14 January 1735 she exhorted her sons 'piteously never to desert the Catholic faith' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 45), and on 18 January she died. Thus closed a period in his upbringing which probably left Charles permanently scarred.

Emerging Jacobite leader

As Charles grew up into manhood he kept up his father's contacts and used his charm to extend them: in 1736 he saw the painter Allan Ramsay in the Villa Ludovici. Charles was also 'consciously trying to turn himself into a warrior, taking constant exercise and revealing remarkable stamina' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 47). Besides his skills in hunting, dancing, and theatre-going, Charles's musical abilities also consolidated, and he became a fine cellist. Meanwhile, attempts by James to devise ways of displaying his son to best advantage on the international stage were being foiled by diplomatic niceties. None the less, Charles was able to make a tour of northern Italy in 1737 which led to his being fêted in Venice, a social success which was sufficiently irritating to lead George II to expel Venice's diplomatic resident from London.

As the 1730s drew to a close the prince's public appearances and the propaganda of his self-presentation began to take shape. In 1741 he appeared at a ball in highland dress decked with jewels, symbolic both of the purity and patriotism of his cause and its wealth and glory. After John Gordon of Glenbucket came to Rome to propose a Franco-Scottish rising to James in 1737–8, the prospect of a new Jacobite venture seemed closer than before, especially when a Jacobite association was formed in Scotland. After the War of Jenkins's Ear broke out in 1739 it was proposed to send Charles to Madrid to front a Spanish venture, for which Clement XII 'promised a large sum of money' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 67); but the reports of Spanish insincerity received by James from the duke of Ormond and the Earl Marischal in early 1740, combined with the death of the pope, led James to veto this plan. In any case, both the friendliness of the new Pope Benedict XIV and growing signs of opportunity in France opened possibilities elsewhere. Charles was made a member of his father's council, and wrote in autumn 1740 to his supporters in Scotland; he took care to know as much as he could about them, even approaching them when they were abroad, as in the case of William Hamilton of Bangour, who encountered the prince in Rome.

Meanwhile prospective wives such as the princesse de Bouillon, princesse de Conti, princess of Massa, and the duchess of Turin were considered for the prince. However, in a climate of growing optimism James decided to aim higher, and spent time in 1742–3 exploring the prospect of an alliance with a daughter of Louis XV, one idea being 'that the French king's second daughter could become queen of an independent Scotland' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 70). The French, however, would not even let Charles fight with them.

The death of Cardinal Fleury in January 1743 was followed by a memoir from Lord Francis Sempill on behalf of the English Jacobites requesting an invasion. Louis XV sent his master of horse to England that summer on a fact-finding mission. Following its success, the planning for an invasion began in November. Louis decided to bring Charles to Paris only when he had already captured London (following a landing at Maldon), when the prince would arrive after the fact with a commission of regency. News of French planning (but not these details) reached Charles at Rome on 19 December. Despite the lack of written evidence for the French king's intentions, Charles determined to leave Rome for France on his own account, and the retailing by William McGregor of Balhaldy of a date, 12 January, which had been carelessly let slip by Amelot de Chaillou, stiffened his resolve. On 9 January 1744 the prince left Rome for France under cover of a spurious hunting expedition in order to baffle British spies. From that moment he never saw his father again.

Charles's journey to France was a mixture of high subterfuge and adventure. After a delay at Finale owing to bad weather, and despite continuing rough seas, he paid his felucca captain a bonus to sail for Antibes on 19 January. Between Monaco and Antibes the boat attracted the attention of a ship of Admiral Thomas Mathews's fleet, which lowered a boat 'to give chase'. Rough seas enabled the prince to escape, but as he entered Antibes on the 23rd a Royal Navy pinnace was so close behind him that it almost touched. The French were not expecting either in port: following a message from the prince, the governor ordered both boats out, but the British ship first, then transferred Charles to another ship as the navy continued to snoop. Charles left Antibes on 29 January, before waiting for orders from Amelot. On 3 February he was at Lyons; on 8 February he was at Paris. Unfortunately, either the arrival of this impulsive young man, already being tracked by Hanoverian agents, or a report from British intelligence quite possibly led to the betrayal of French plans. Louis XV subsequently blamed the prince for the failure of the invasion, news of which was decoded by the British on 14 February.

Charles seems to have seen nothing but the prospect of action. During February and March he was at Gravelines with the French invasion force. Meanwhile bad weather, storm damage, a botched encounter with Admiral Sir John Norris, and Louis XV's increasingly cold feet led to the abandonment of the planned invasion on 11 March. The prince flew into a fury: he turned to the Earl Marischal for help, who found problems with all his schemes, and then to the more optimistic Sempill. He sought news of the English Jacobites, and talked 'of going to Scotland by canoe' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 99), becoming an increasingly troublesome irritant to his French hosts. He disregarded their advice, and they put him in the position of having to move about the country incognito. Sempill and Balhaldy continued to negotiate with the Jacobites in England and Scotland without Charles's authority. In August 1744 John Murray of Broughton came over to discuss a rising, scorned Sempill and Balhaldy's optimism to their faces, and offered a much more realistic assessment of Jacobite support: in particular, Murray made it clear that there could be no expectation of a major rising if Charles landed without French support.

At a private meeting the next day Charles made the 'momentous statement that he intended to come to Scotland next summer even if only with a single footman' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 112). Murray left in October with the beginnings of a plan, and Charles demanded French help: either a massive English invasion force or 3000 men for Scotland. For a time things looked hopeful, but by early 1745 it was increasingly evident that Versailles would not take action. In defiance of the French authorities, Charles went to Paris. He began to formulate a plan to force the hand of the French government by landing in Scotland with a tiny following. Even so, he could not afford arms or transport, and matters became even more pressing when the duke of Perth, one of the associators, wrote from Scotland to request arms. In April Charles borrowed 40,000 livres from the banker Waters (guaranteed by his father). In response to the guarantee credit lines were extended to 120,000 livres, and Aeneas MacDonald, a Jacobite banker, lent money which would allow the prince to equip a small expedition with arms in order to launch a small rising in Scotland.

By June there were 20 artillery pieces, 11,000 muskets, and 2000 swords in a warehouse at Nantes. Circumventing French bureaucracy by utilizing the services of Irish shipowners, the prince after negotiation got Maurepas to give permission for him to use one ship as a 'go-between for French intelligence and the Scottish Jacobites' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 119). Charles sent Sir Hector MacLean ahead to raise his ‘fighting tail’ (the number of men a Scottish magnate could bring to the field), and planned to land in Mull. Unfortunately, Sir Hector was captured and imprisoned, and revised orders were sent on to Murray and the duke of Perth. After a bribe of 1500 livres to release the Elisabeth from French red tape, the 'Forty-Five was ready to begin, buoyed by the Irish brigade's victory at Fontenoy on 11 May, which meant more British troops would be needed to maintain the war in Flanders. On 22 June 1745 (os; dates in the rising are familiarly old style) the incognito prince and his companions sailed from Nantes in the 16-gun frigate Du Teillay (obtained via Antoine Walsh, a Franco-Irish shipowner with interests in the West Indies), rendezvousing with the 64-gun man-of-war Elisabeth nine days later at Belle Île, which was carrying a force raised from Lord Clare's regiment in the Irish brigades in the French service (probably about 100 men, though estimates range up to 700). They brought with them 3500 muskets, 2400 broadswords, 20 artillery pieces, and 4000 louis d'or to supply and pay for a rising. On 9 July both ships encountered the Royal Navy's Lyon off the Lizard, and the Elisabeth was badly damaged and returned to Brest with the troops and most of the matériel. Despite this further set-back and another chase by British warships, Charles pressed on; on 23 July he made landfall at Eriskay in Clanranald country with the ‘seven men of Moidart’: George Kelly, Sir Thomas Sheridan, John O'Sullivan, Francis Strickland, William, marquess of Tullibardine and titular duke of Atholl, and Aeneas and Sir John MacDonald. That night they lodged in a poor crofter's cottage. The next day Alexander MacDonald of Boisdale advised the prince to return home, as neither MacLeod of MacLeod nor Sir Alexander MacDonald of Sleat, the major regional magnates, was prepared to come out, ostensibly owing to an absence of French troops: they were also being blackmailed by the authorities, who knew of their practice of selling surplus tenants as slaves in America. 'I am come home' was Charles's reply (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 129). This made no impression, and on 25 July Charles had once again to put to sea, landing at Arisaig.

The 'Forty-Five

No one of consequence gave Charles any encouragement until one young nobleman, Ranald MacDonald, vowed that he would draw his sword (a traditional metaphor of heroic endeavour in Gaelic culture, dating back to the Fianna) even if he were to do so alone. The code of honour made the young man's pledge difficult for his more senior kinsmen to gainsay. Young Clanranald pledged his men. Despite this gesture, and an agreement hammered out with Donald Cameron of Lochiel at Borrodale which guaranteed to indemnify him if the rising failed, many did not reply to the prince's letters. At 1 p.m. on 19 August the royal standard was raised at the head of Loch Shiel at Glenfinnan, being blessed by the Catholic bishop of Morar to cries of 'King James the Eight … prosperity to Scotland and no Union' (Hook and Ross, 26). Such French arms as the prince had left were distributed, but for many hours the only considerable force who came was Clanranald, with 300 men. Two hours later, the pipes were heard behind the hills round Loch Shiel, and nearly 1000 of Lochiel's men came down to the standard with 300 Keppoch MacDonalds who had already defeated a force under Colonel Swithenham near Fort William.

On 24 August the prince was joined by another 800 men at Fort Augustus, and by the end of the month figures such as John Roy Stewart, Robertson of Struan, and Lord Nairne had joined, while Ewen Macpherson of Cluny defected on capture; meanwhile a MacGregor force defeated British troops at Inversnaid. Charles aimed, unlike his Jacobite predecessors Dundee and Mar, not to lurk beyond the Tay in the hope of maximizing his force in its core recruiting grounds, but (on Tullibardine's advice) to march south as quickly as possible. An attempt by General Sir John Cope to intercept the Jacobites at the pass of Corrieyairack on 27–8 August failed, and the route south lay open. On 3 September Charles's troops entered Dunkeld, and the next day they entered Perth unopposed, where they were joined by Lord Ogilvy, Viscount Strathallan, Oliphant of Gask, the duke of Perth, and Lord George Murray. On 15 September the Jacobites reached Edinburgh. On the 16th and 17th the town council sent out a deputation to negotiate, trying to gain time so that Cope could come to their aid; on the latter occasion, as they returned to the city the gate was left open (possibly deliberately: Archibald Stewart, the then lord provost, was subsequently acquitted of abetting the rising). The Camerons and MacDonalds rushed in and soon Charles was master of the capital, which he entered to the applause of a crowd of some 20,000 citizens. Bonnie Prince Charlie was a name first recorded on that day, 17 September.

Hours before the Jacobites took the capital Cope, who had sailed from Aberdeen, disembarked at Dunbar. He took up a careful position north of Tranent, covered by sea, marshland, and the wall of Preston House, home of Colonel James Gardiner, one of his senior officers. Charles decided to give battle. The Jacobite army, guided through the marsh by a sympathizer, Robert Anderson of Whitburgh, attacked at dawn on 21 September. Their gunfire drove off the British dragoons while the front line advanced in wedge-shaped columns which let out a fan of fire at 50 yards before sprinting with sword and pistol into the opposing line. Once this was split open by the front of the wedge, the rest poured through the widening gap. As Cope's army fled, their enclosed position became a death trap. Fifteen hundred prisoners were taken, of whom a significant number joined the Jacobites.

Charles remained in Edinburgh, holding court at Holyrood, for five more weeks, waiting for reinforcements. Meanwhile the duke of Cumberland and Sir John Ligonier were recalled from the continent and George Wade secured the Newcastle coalfield. On 9 and 10 October Charles issued two declarations against the 'pretended Union', describing the British parliament as an 'unlawful assembly' (Allardyce, 1.188–9; Hook and Ross, 14), though his opposition was not as consistent as his father's. By such means he hoped to consolidate Scottish support: as it turned out, many of his senior officers were more patriotic than the prince would have wished, and his plan to invade England was carried by only one vote. Yet this ‘fortress Scotland’ mentality took little account of the massive financial reserves of the British government or of the blockading power of the Royal Navy: in view of these factors Charles's strategic decision to march on London as quickly as possible was the right one. It was decided to take the western route, thus bypassing Wade at Newcastle, and the prince marched south with 5000 men and about 2000 camp followers on 31 October, leaving behind Viscount Strathallan as major-general in command in Scotland. The titular earl of Nithsdale and Viscount Kenmure joined them on the march south, but left almost immediately on discovering the small numbers in the army. Carlisle none the less fell on 14–15 November, while on the 23rd Lord Derby gave up the defence of Manchester for a lost cause; on the 26th cheering crowds welcomed the Jacobites to Preston. At least two companies of men were raised in Lancashire, besides a battalion in Manchester, but although the road from Preston to Wigan was lined with well-wishers they did not join. A feint by Lord George Murray drew Cumberland out of position, giving the advantage to the Jacobites in any dash on London. On 3 December the duke of Devonshire withdrew his forces as the Jacobites entered Ashbourne. A day later they were at Derby. London was, unbeknown to the Jacobites, defended by only 2000 regulars (some 500 of them the mistrusted Black Watch) and the trained bands. Charles's forces would almost certainly have reached it before significant reinforcements could have arrived, even if Cumberland could have dragged a few thousand troops over from Lichfield to contest the advance. Militarily, the position favoured the government; psychologically, the Jacobites. This is why the decision at Derby remains staple fodder for ‘what if’ history.

Derby and its aftermath

At this critical juncture the prince's unfulfilled promises of French aid and English Jacobite support caught up with him. At the council of war at Preston a week earlier, he had claimed that Sir Watkin Williams Wynn would meet the Jacobites with 300 horse between Macclesfield and Derby, and that the duke of Beaufort 'would meanwhile raise South Wales and seize Bristol' (Lenman, 101, 107). Neither had occurred; nor, when pressed, was the prince able to produce any letters of commitment from either French or English sources: none the less, it was known that Lord John Drummond, the duke of Perth's brother, had landed a French force at Montrose (on 22 November). The patience of both the optimists and pessimists in the army gave way: the clan leaders, who had unrealistically expected to prevail in Scotland alone and who had not wanted to march south, made common cause with the influential general Lord George Murray, who had arguably always doubted the possibility of success. Many of the prince's natural backers were not on the council of war, which, unlike the privy council and other bodies, was dominated by clan chieftains. At the council held in Derby on 4 December, only the dukes of Perth and Atholl (the marquess of Tullibardine), the captain of Clanranald, and Colonel O'Sullivan initially supported the prince's desire to march on: by the end, only Perth and O'Sullivan did so. An Irishman named Dudley Bradstreet subsequently maintained that he had given influential disinformation concerning the location of the British forces to the council of war, claiming in particular that a third army barred the way to London. Whether or not these statements were true, the prince in any case faced strong opposition to his plans. The lack of any efficient Jacobite intelligence service made it impossible for the commanders to know how undefended London was; the clan leaders almost certainly overestimated their safety from reprisal should they retreat to Scotland, and the size of Lord John Drummond's army in the north (which had not responded to the prince's order to join him) was doubtless overestimated by optimists.

On 6 December the army began its retreat. In France, seventeen battalions, half of them Irish or Scots, were being assembled to sail in support of the prince and unbeknown to his army; with better intelligence than Charles had, the Hanoverian authorities ordered General Jean Louis Ligonier to London to defend it after 9 December, and subsequently called Cumberland south to stave off the French, who by the turn of the year had called off their invasion attempt as the Jacobite army retreated, substituting instead a drip-feed of reinforcements to Scotland. Not until late January was it clear to the British government that there had been no collusion between the French and the Jacobites.

The prince, who had marched in the van of his army on the march south, was not a leader who could motivate in adversity. His will thwarted, he drank and idled on the way home, where the skilled conventional generalship of Lord George helped save the army from disaster. Local anti-Jacobite sentiment increased as the army retreated, and was a perpetual irritant and a risk to stragglers. Cumberland encouraged the country people to kill stray Jacobites, wishing to avoid responsibility himself lest Hanoverian prisoners be mistreated. Charles, humiliated at retreating without a battle, wished to stay an extra night at Manchester and insisted on staying an extra day at Preston to allow the pursuing Cumberland time to catch up. A battlefield was selected near Lancaster on 14 December, but the prince retreated in the face of rumours of overwhelming force. Such risk-taking meant that Cumberland's van caught up with the Jacobite rear at Clifton on 18 December, when the prince refused reinforcements to allow Lord George to fight a pitched battle, sending back only two battalions, who drove off the dragoons in a skirmish in the dark at Clifton Moor. Charles capped his self-destructive behaviour on the retreat by leaving behind a token garrison at Carlisle. On 20 December the Jacobite army was back in Scotland, and on the 26th the prince went to Glasgow. Unwilling to summon councils of war after Derby, he found that his abandonment of responsible leadership led to further disagreements with Lord George. Between 5 and 16 January Charles was ill at Bannockburn, where he was nursed by Clementine Walkinshaw (c. 1720–1802), named after his mother, who became his mistress.

Culloden and the flight from Scotland

Languishing thus near Stirling, the prince wished to consolidate in central Scotland, where he was joined by the army under Drummond and Strathallan (which had meanwhile been victorious over pro-Hanoverian highland forces at Inverurie on 23 December), giving him over 10,000 men (the total size of the army, including troops used to garrison the localities, was between 11,000 and 14,000). After the surrender of Stirling on 8 January this force laid ineffectual siege to Stirling Castle, and the bulk of it was deployed against General Henry Hawley at the battle of Falkirk on 17 January 1746, where the Jacobites gained another victory. Depressed at Hawley's escape with most of his army, the Jacobites failed to pursue him towards Edinburgh. None the less, on 28 January the prince sent orders for an attack on Cumberland at Falkirk or Linlithgow. In response Lord George sent a document signed by six Highland regimental commanders calling for a retreat to the highlands due to the rate of desertion in the army: 'I have an army that I cannot command any further than the chief officers please', lamented Charles (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 217).

On 1 February the Jacobites retreated. The next day at Crieff the prince discovered that there were far fewer desertions than reported, and the last council of war held by the army was deeply acrimonious. From this point on, Charles lost what remaining faith he had in his leading general. The abandonment of the east coast ports by the end of February meant that it was increasingly difficult for the French to land men or money in places accessible to the Jacobites: when Culloden was fought, the earl of Cromarty and Cluny Macpherson were both absent in search of money, the former being on a mission to recover the French gold wrecked on the Kyle of Reay. Pyrrhic victories over government outposts meant little to an army increasingly trapped behind the Spey; even here, Jacobite vulnerability was shown when on 16 February Charles was almost captured by Hanoverian forces at Moy Hall. The next day the Jacobites captured Inverness, the last burgh of any size they were to occupy.

To defend this last town the army fought at Culloden following a failed night attack on Cumberland's camp at Nairn, when the Franco-Scottish and Irish regulars failed to match the pace set by the highlanders over rough ground. Culloden was an unavoidable battle if the Jacobite army were to be held together, but it did not have to be fought on level boggy ground which slowed the Jacobites and gave the government guns a clear field of fire: for that Charles must bear the responsibility. The prince was, however, no fool: far from believing his troops invincible, he was downcast and seemed to have little expectation of victory. He has been accused of allowing his troops to stand under Hanoverian cannonade without giving them the command to advance; the cannonade (compared with the subsequent canister shot, which caused 200 casualties a minute during the advance) was, if demoralizing, fairly ineffective, except that two of Charles's couriers with the order to advance were decapitated by cannonballs in succession.

When the advance came, it was disorganized. The front line was at a slant, and the Argyll militia were attacking on the flanks. One wing of the government front line gave way, but without the collapse of the whole front rank, and flanking fire raked a Jacobite wedge already thinned by canister shot. The impulse failed, and when Cumberland's troops closed and moved forward, the day was lost. O'Sullivan, Major Kennedy of the Camerons, and Colonel O'Shea of Fitzjames's horse prevented the prince from sacrificing himself on the field, and led him away. Defeat seemed absolute, and Charles did not send the money Lord George had expected to the rendezvous at Ruthven: instead he sent both oral and written sauve qui peut messages, promising to return from France with troops. Lord Lovat's advice to Charles to be like Robert Bruce, and fight and fight again, was ignored; on the 17th he moved from Gortlick to a cottage near Loch Arkaig, then via a shieling to Borrodale, where he 'made serious plans for the crossing to France' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 266). On 27 April he crossed in Donald Macleod's boat to Benbecula. The captain of Clanranald once again urged him to fight, but whereas a year before the prince had persuaded unwilling magnates to rise for him, now the reverse was true. On 29 April, he landed on Scalpay; on the morning of 5 May, he arrived at Stornoway. It was hostile to him, and the Minch was full of Royal Navy ships. On the 6th they took refuge in the islet of Iubhard, 12 miles from Stornoway, where they stayed for four nights in a hut, eating the fish which had been left to be wind-cured by Lewis fishermen. From here on 7 May Charles saw the French ships which took Perth, Lord John Drummond, and Elcho to France.

On 10 May they rowed back to Scalpay, where their previous host was on the run. Pursued by one British ship after another, the prince spent a night at sea off North Uist, eventually finding shelter in a tiny bothy in an islet in Benbecula. Here Clanranald visited him with provisions, and advised him of a refuge at Corradale on South Uist: Charles reached this cottage on 14 May and stayed for three weeks, hunting, drinking up to a bottle of brandy a day, and listening to the bad news from the highlands. A recommendation from Murray that he could hide on Eigg was viewed as further evidence of Lord George's falseness, for Eigg was narrow and easily searched. Meanwhile Lochiel's attempt to prolong the rising had come to nothing, and Louis XV, following the naval battle of Loch-nan-Uamh on 3 May, where Le Mars and La Bellone had defeated three Royal Navy ships, 'ordered a massive rescue operation to be mounted by French privateers' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 275).

Charles, fearing the approach of government forces, left South Uist in June, hiding for a few days in Ouia to the south-east of Benbecula before moving to Rossinish on the main island. But everywhere the enemy were searching for him in force. Baseless rumours of French military aid continued, but with no escape in sight the prince sailed back to Corradale. Bad weather forced a landing 2 miles north at Ushinish Point; Charles and his companions had to hide 'in a cleft of a rock at Acarseil Falaich' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 278), where the prince was soaked. Eventually they found refuge in the house of a sympathizer. On the night of 15 June they sailed in search of MacDonald of Boisdale, only to find that he had been taken by the government. Hiding in a creek, a ruin, and flitting around the loch, Charles was trapped: intensive searching had begun on South Uist. The boat was holed and sunk, and the prince and his friends hid beside the loch, hungry and tormented by midges. Eventually, with the trap closing, Charles struck out north, acting on an idea of Hugh MacDonald. MacDonald was a government militia commander, but a Jacobite sympathizer: his idea was flight to Skye, in which his stepdaughter Flora MacDonald could help by adopting the prince as her female servant, Betty Burke. During the brief night of 19–20 June, the prince met Flora at Ormaclett in west South Uist. Despite Flora's doubts over the propriety of the plan (she being unmarried), she agreed. Flora's stepfather, as a superior militia officer on the island, ensured her release (after she had been captured at the ford between South Uist and Benbecula) and made out passports for herself, one of Flora's kinsmen, Neil MacEachain, and ‘Betty Burke’. MacEachain, sent by Charles to find out what was happening, was also arrested and also released. Eventually a boat took them to Ouia, then Benbecula, where they were nearly marooned on a tidal islet; then they walked to Rossinish in driving rain. There was no sign of Flora, and the prince was drenched hiding from militiamen. A message came that the rendezvous was changed; then it was changed again. Meanwhile General Campbell was closing in; on 28 June an accomplice, Lady Clanranald, was taken. That night the prince, Flora, and MacEachain sailed from Loch Uskavagh.

Fired on at Vaternish in Skye, they eventually made landfall at Trotternish, only to find that their contact, Lady Margaret MacDonald of Sleat, had a militia officer in her house. Flora kept him occupied while Lady Margaret made arrangements for Charles's safety. Her factor, MacDonald of Kingsburgh, took him the 7 miles to his house. The prince's size was only one of the factors which made him an unlikely maidservant, and he came close to discovery. None the less, he reached MacDonald's house and the next day set off for Portree. There he bade farewell to Flora and crossed to Raasay at sunrise on 1 July. But now it was clear that his flight was known; fearful of being trapped on Raasay, Charles crossed back to Skye the next day. Entering Mackinnon country he sailed on to Mallaig, where he was forced to stay in the open, pursued by militia. The captain of Clanranald refused Charles all help, but Angus MacDonald of Borrodale, whose bothy (his house had been burnt down) they reached on 10 July, agreed to help him, as did Major Alexander of Glenaladale, a former field officer in Clanranald's regiment who had been wounded at Culloden. None the less, on 18 July they learned that they were surrounded in Moidart. Trekking over the hills round Glenfinnan, Charles escaped capture on 20 July while 100 soldiers combed the area of his hiding place. That night they broke out, close enough to the sentry posts to hear the sentries. The prince nearly fell over a cliff between Glenpean and Glenaladale, being rescued just in time as he clung on to a bush. A plan to go to Poolewe was abandoned, and Charles once again narrowly evaded capture near Glenshiel. On the 24th he was handed over to the 'seven men of Glenmoriston', Grants from the Jacobite army who were carrying on the fight. They cared for him devotedly and moved his hiding place expertly: nevertheless they took no orders from him, which irked the prince.

Meanwhile the appropriately named Le Bien Trouve had landed two French officers at Poolewe. On 8 August Charles tried to reach them without success. By this time the hunt for him was dying down in some (though not all) quarters, as many believed he had got away to France. After an attempt by Donald MacDonell of Lochgarry to persuade him to launch another rising, the prince encountered Lochiel's brother, Archibald Cameron, with three French officers near Lochiel's burnt house at Achnacarry. A 'secure chain of communication' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 301) was adopted so that there should be no more failed rescue attempts. On 23 August Charles was again nearly captured and again had to hide in the open. On 26 August, an escort of Macphersons came to take the prince to Cluny Macpherson's mountain hideaway or cage on Ben Alder. Both Cluny and Lochiel met him on the way. Neither chief thought a second rising (as proposed by Lochgarry) was practicable. On 5 September all three reached Cluny's cage on Ben Alder; Macpherson's men meanwhile started to prepare winter quarters for the prince. A week later the news came in of two French ships at Loch-nan-Uamh; on the 13th Charles set out, once again dressing as a woman on the way to help evade discovery. At 2 a.m. on 20 September he sailed for France with Lochiel, Lochgarry, and Colonel John Roy Stewart; Cluny remained behind to prepare for a fresh rising. On 30 September, having evaded by good fortune a British squadron off Brittany, L'Heureux landed the prince at Roscoff.

Exile

Charles was fêted as a hero in France, but after an initial welcome Louis XV grew cautious. The dismissal of the marquess d'Argenson in January 1747 underlined this. The prince began once again to be suspicious and impulsive, and also started to fall out with his brother, Henry. Impatient with France, he turned to Spain, whither he travelled in early 1747, a trip which offended etiquette and brought him nothing but the prospect of some supplies for an expedition to Scotland, an expedition Charles, now bent on a strike at England, had no wish to undertake. His aim was for total commitment: in similar vein he turned down proposed brides, insisting that only Louis's daughter would do—though he later suggested the tsarina! The French grew impatient, and by spring 1747 it was clear that Charles's chances of support were ebbing away. In July Henry was elevated to the cardinalate (a step the British government had previously tried to bribe the pope to make, but which was now taken freely) without his brother's knowledge, and Charles's sense of betrayal was acute.

Although Charles held firm against any idea of marriage, in late summer 1747 he began an adulterous liaison with Marie de la Tour d'Auvergne, by marriage duchesse de Montbazon and princesse de Rohan (d. 1781). Her mother-in-law, princesse de Guemene, put a stop to it (except for occasional clandestine meetings) in January, by which time Montbazon was pregnant. The son, accepted as her husband's, was born later that year but died in infancy. Before he was born Charles had taken a new mistress, Marie-Anne-Louise la Trémoille née Jablonowska, by marriage the princesse de Talmont (d. 1773). At this time too, he and Montesquieu developed a firm friendship.

As peace in the War of the Austrian Succession drew closer, Charles was more and more manoeuvred into a corner of financial dependence by the French. He now aimed for a foreign marriage to raise his status, but again tried to provoke the French by exploring the possibility of a union with a protestant, Frederick the Great's sister. Frederick responded with hostility; and an attempt to marry the landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt's daughter met with no greater practical success. In July 1748 Charles objected to the proposed terms of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle: it was inevitable that the peace, once concluded, would lead to his expulsion from France. The French found a place for him in Switzerland, but Charles was not interested. He refused to go quietly, and dared the French authorities to arrest him. His father ordered him to leave France, with the result that his supporters backed off from him, for James was their king. Charles threatened to kill himself if he was arrested. On 10 December, despite warnings from the populace en route, Charles was taken outside the Palais Royal on his way to the opera, and bound. After agreeing in writing to leave France, he set off under escort on 14 December, again suffering from psychosomatic illness. Expelled from France on the 23rd, he entered Avignon (where he had promised the French he would not settle) four days later. Many in France were appalled at his treatment; his father, by contrast, saw Louis XV's point of view.

Benedict XIV was uneasy with Charles's presence in Avignon, but did not wish to provoke a breach with the Stuart family. However, Charles's escalating demands and British and French diplomatic pressure made matters increasingly difficult. Before matters reached a head, Charles left Avignon on 25 February 1749; in March, he was back in Paris. The princesse de Talmont had arranged for him to take refuge in a convent, and she and her friends Elisabeth Ferrand and the comtesse de Vasse kept him safe there and in their houses. Charles's bad temper and the suspicions of the French authorities led to his departure in May, when he travelled to Venice via Switzerland. In any case he had shown he was not cowed, having insulted both the pope and Louis XV with impunity. He never again stooped (as he saw it) to accept French help. Without it, the Jacobite movement was doomed.

Refused leave to stay in Venice, Charles accepted the hospitality of former king Stanislas of Poland at Luneville; in November he was back in France, exploring the idea of a coup in London. Using 'a cell structure of agents' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 384) Charles flitted about Europe, often dressed as a priest, and nearly always keeping one step ahead of tracking intelligence. The affair with the princesse de Talmont ended in 1751, and Charles embarked on other affairs. At the same time, he felt his life in danger, sometimes with reason: on 20 May 1751 he had to ride from Enville to Metz to escape an attack by three brigands.

In 1750 Charles got together thousands of weapons at Anvers in preparation for an English rising, and obtained from James a renewal of his regency. Letters with fake dates were sent to Elisabeth Ferrand which, if intercepted, would mislead espionage. On 2 September he left Luneville, proceeding via Antwerp and Ghent to Ostend, whence he sailed in disguise with John Holker on the 13th, landing in Dover and arriving in London three days later. Charles went to Lady Primrose's house in Essex Street off the Strand, and subsequently held a meeting with fifty leading English Jacobites, including the duke of Beaufort, Lord Westmorland, and William King in a house in Pall Mall. They were discouraging. After touring London with a view to a coup, Charles attempted to promote his flagging cause by being received into the Church of England, probably at a service at which the nonjuring bishop Robert Gordon officiated. After a further meeting with King—at which his 'servant remarked on the extreme likeness between the visitor and the busts of the “Young Pretender” on sale in Red Lion Street' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 399)—Charles left London on 22 September, sailing from Dover the next day.

The prince spent the last months of 1750 negotiating for German support. Among other possibilities, he explored the potential of a marriage with the duke of Daremberg's daughter, his demand of 12,000 troops, however, proving absurd. In February 1751 the Earl Marischal arranged a meeting between Charles and Frederick the Great, who scouted marriage with his daughter, but appeared ready to consider military support. The sending of the Earl Marischal to Paris appeared to confirm this possibility in British eyes, especially when the Jacobite Lord Tyrconnell was accredited to Prussia by France. A variety of possible plots culminated in the Elibank plot, put forward by Murray of Elibank, whereby George II and his family would be kidnapped by 200–300 Jacobites and taken to France or held as hostages pending a possible abdication. The plot was absurd, but many became involved. Information began to leak back to the authorities in England via Young Glengarry, Alasdair Ruadh MacDonnell (Pickle the Spy), but although there was a growing awareness of breaches of confidentiality in Jacobite circles, the tendency was to blame Clementine Walkinshaw, who had in June 1752 again become the prince's mistress. In the absence of any of the promised diplomatic help from Europe, Charles sent Archibald Cameron (Lochiel's brother) and Lochgarry to Scotland to prepare a rising there in support of the proposed coup originally scheduled for 10 November. They made contact with Cluny, who promised 5000 stand of arms still hidden in the glens, then Pickle's information allowed a government patrol to capture Cameron near Inversnaid in April 1753; he was executed on the basis of his original attainder. With his death, Jacobitism in mainland Britain was more or less finished.

In June 1753, Clementine Walkinshaw was reported pregnant; a daughter, Charlotte, was born and baptized in Liège on 29 October. The prince meanwhile sought to eject all Catholics from his service. Relations with both his English Jacobite supporters and Clementine (a Catholic) deteriorated, and the prince reversed this step in 1754. He spent a good part of that year in Paris; before leaving for Basel, he summoned Cluny Macpherson from Ben Alder. There was now no active senior Jacobite left in Scotland. To cap it all, Charles fell out with Cluny as soon as he arrived. In 1756 he left Basel, settling by the end of the year in Liège, where he stayed until 1758 with Clementine before leaving again for Bouillon. Meanwhile, James was once again pressing the French to give their support to a Jacobite attempt, and also attempting to persuade the prince to marry. For his part Charles was as ever ready to take offence, and was prepared to accept a French apology for his treatment only if it were on the scale of an unsolicited invasion of England. When the duc de Choiseul became foreign minister in December 1758, this again seemed possible. However, the prince's resentment towards his father and towards perceived French duplicity led Choiseul to press on without him, until the prospects of invasion were destroyed by Admiral Edward Hawke's victory over the Brest fleet in 1759.

Later years and marriage

Charles was becoming gradually more depressed, drunken, and abusive. In July 1760 Clementine, fearful for her safety, left him, taking Charlotte with her. The prince continued to spurn his family and those who came near him to the extent that when, with the death of his father approaching, he attempted to secure recognition from the papacy in 1765, it was too little too late. His father died on 1 January. On 23 January 1766 Charles went to Rome, whence the rectors of the Scots and Irish colleges were expelled for recognizing him as Charles III. He did not gain audience with the pope until May 1767, and then only as the brother of (Henry) Cardinal York. Charles's behaviour was now so bad that his secretary Andrew Lumisden and others of his household welcomed the chance to escape his service following a drunken rage in 1768. The prince now had almost no one from the British Isles in his entourage, though his despair was alleviated by the greater courtesy with which Clement XIV treated him on becoming pope in 1769.

In 1770 Charles once again began to look for a wife. He sent Lord Caryll (who became his secretary in 1772) to negotiate a subsidy from France, and hoped (via this and a marriage) to secure papal recognition. Colonel Ryan of Berwick's was sent to negotiate for the hand of Marie-Louise Ferdinand, daughter of the prince of Salm-Kybourg, but when the French realized that they were being used, 'they started to back-pedal on the question of a subsidy for the marriage' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 495). Negotiations for Marie-Louise's hand foundered, and attention switched to her cousin, Louisa, princess of Stolberg-Gedern (1752–1824), with whom a proxy marriage took place in Paris on 22 March 1772, being solemnized at Macerata on Good Friday, 17 April, by Cardinal Marefoschi. But the pope did not recognize him as more than the pseudonymous Baron Renfrew, and France backtracked on its promise of a pension.

Clementine Walkinshaw and Charlotte came to Rome in 1773 to press for a better financial settlement from Charles, thus causing him considerable embarrassment. Charles and Louisa moved in 1774 to Florence, where his new pseudonym was Count Albany, his wife becoming countess of Albany. Charles alienated Lord Caryll, who resigned the next year. Louisa, increasingly bored, began to turn to attractive young men, while neither the death of Louis XV in 1774 nor the American War of Independence in 1776 improved Charles's position, despite the invitation in 1775 to be the provisional figurehead of an American administration. As John Buchan vividly displays in The Company of the Marjolaine, Charles was now beyond such attempts: none the less, he took a keen interest in the war.

The prince had been subject to drink-related bad health since the 1760s. By late 1775 he was suffering from bad dropsy. In 1777 he began to abuse Louisa, who began an affair with her friend the Piedmontese poet Count Vittorio Alfieri. In late 1780 she left for Rome, where she convinced Henry that she was not having an affair but only seeking refuge, thus embittering relations between the brothers until early 1783, when Henry's conversation with Charles following the prince's serious illness led him to a better understanding of the situation.

In December 1783 Gustav III of Sweden visited Charles in Florence, making lavish promises of financial support which he failed to honour. Following Gustav's discussions with Louisa, a formal separation was agreed in 1784. Money raised from the Sobieski jewels helped to keep the prince solvent, while in June he legitimized Charlotte, then aged thirty, recognized her as his heir, and gave her the title duchess of Albany. In August Louis XVI recognized her status but not the title, an action followed by the grand duke of Tuscany: the pope, however, recognized her as duchess of Albany. In order to support her legitimation, Charles made 'a solemn declaration that Charlotte was his only child and that he had no others' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 543). Charlotte, for her part, concealed the fact that she had been mistress of the archbishop of Cambrai (by whom she had three children), apparently in order to help secure an advantageous financial settlement on her father's death, although the British government's 1787 repudiation of Mary of Modena's marriage settlement limited the extent of the benefit.

In March 1786 the prince had a severe fit, followed in January 1788 by a stroke. He died at Rome on the 30th, and was interred at Frascati on 3 February: later the body was moved to St Peter's. Charlotte died in November the next year, before the extent of her inheritance was finally resolved.

Reputation

Charles Edward Stuart was charming, intelligent, strategically aware, but without the character or personality which could withstand failure. Unlike his father, he was unable to resign his hopes of a restoration to his three kingdoms, and this rendered the bulk of his life a miserable anticlimax, which he endured only with the help of paranoia, alcohol, and a tendency to turn on those who still stood by him. He was tall for his times, about 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, 'and had a ruddy complexion … and reddish hair' (McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart, 73) and blue eyes. For many years Charles was thought to be the subject of a pastel portrait by Maurice Quentin de La Tour dated to 1747. The image, which was much reproduced, was shown in 2008 to be a study of Charles's brother, Henry Benedict. In 2014 a portrait by Allan Ramsay, in the collection of the earl of Wemyss, was categorically identified as a likeness of Charles. This work, the only known portrait painted while the prince was in Britain, was most probably undertaken in Edinburgh in October 1745. An engraving of the portrait by Robert Strange, bearing the legend 'Everso Missus Succurrere Seclo', became a well-known print in Jacobite propaganda.

Charles's dignity and charm were widely remarked on, and often found irresistible. His charisma, risk-taking, and skill brought him to the brink of possible success in 1745: his bitterness, suspicion, and authoritarianism, together possibly with some degree of guilt, cut him off from it ever afterwards. He was the man to create a crisis, not to solve it: but his complexity, awareness, and charisma, combined with his miserable decline, have rendered and continue to render most assessments of his character charged by the extremes which he himself displayed. Central to subsequent assessment of his reputation has always been the unavoidable dramatic contrast between the year of the Prince (1745) and the long decline of its aftermath. Both because of the brief duration of his achievements, and also because of the records of the campaign by such Jacobites as Lord Elcho and Chevalier de Johnstone, which were published in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it became commonplace to attribute the achievements of the 'Forty-Five to other figures, most notably Lord George Murray. Charles's glamour and charm were stressed, but often with the clear implication of their transience and unsustainability. In 1746 he was the 'Young Adventurer'; over 200 years later Margaret Forster's verdict on him as the hero of The Rash Adventurer (1973) was not dissimilar, and Donald Nicholson's The Young Adventurer (1949) also shows the endurance of this stereotype.

Such verdicts could still be relatively benign: biographers of Charles Edward have by and large responded in some degree to his appeal, a risk inherent in the very nature of biography, and particularly pronounced in the case of the charismatic and iconic prince, though Susan Maclean Kybett's Bonnie Prince Charlie (1988) is a notable exception to this trend. General histories of the 'Forty-Five have on the other hand often attacked his judgement even when not belittling his army. Bruce Lenman's The Jacobite Risings in Britain, 1689–1746 (1980) identifies Charles as a lightweight 'rococo' personality, rash and lacking talent: and there are many less sophisticated judgements, some of which contrast Charles unfavourably with Lord George Murray.

In 1985 A. J. Youngson's The Prince and the Pretender directly confronted the rhetoricized positions of Jacobite historians and their divided interpretations in both its title and its text. Subsequently, there has been some evidence of a more complex set of readings emerging concerning Charles's character. Gone are the partisan views of Sir Charles Petrie's The Jacobite Movement or Compton Mackenzie's Prince Charles (both 1932), while the entirely negative readings of Charles are perhaps also themselves in decline.

Although Fitzroy Maclean's Bonnie Prince Charlie (1988) continued to question the prince's tactics and strategy, a breakthrough occurred in Frank McLynn's Charles Edward Stuart (1988), which offered a picture of a prince with real political and military gifts, thwarted by his limitations of temperament and by unfortunate father figures, not least Lord George Murray. McLynn's study of Charles's career after 1746 also did much to stress his activity and determination over many years before decline finally set in. The key understanding of Charles in the 'Forty-Five, however, probably rests on an evaluation both of his relationship with Lord George Murray and of Murray's abilities. Lord George's pre-eminence in the rising has long been unquestioned, but more recently not only McLynn but Stuart Reid in 1745: a Military History (1996) have argued that Murray has been overestimated. Charles Edward continues to be interpreted and re-interpreted: and that itself is testimony both to the glamour and the complexity of this arguably tragic figure.

Sources

  • J. Allardyce, Historical papers relating to the Jacobite period, 1699–1750, 2 vols. (1895/6)
  • E. Cruickshanks, Political untouchables: the tories and the '45 (1979)
  • E. Cruickshanks, ed., Ideology and conspiracy: aspects of Jacobitism, 1689–1759 (1982)
  • J. S. Gibson, Ships of the '45 (1967)
  • L. Gooch, The desperate faction? The Jacobites of north-east England, 1688–1745 (1995)
  • M. Hook and W. Ross, The 'Forty-Five (1995)
  • A. Lang, Prince Charles Edward Stuart, new edn (1903)
  • B. Lenman, The Jacobite cause (1986)
  • F. McLynn, France and the Jacobite rising of 1745 (1981)
  • F. J. McLynn, The Jacobite army in England, 1745: the final campaign (1983)
  • F. J. McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart: a tragedy in many acts (1988)
  • M. G. H. Pittock, Jacobitism (1998)
  • B. Grosvenor, ‘The restoration of King Henry IX identifying Henry Stuart, Cardinal York’, British Art Journal, 9/1 (2008), 28–32
  • E. Corp, ‘Prince Charles or Prince Henry? Maurice Quentin de la Tour's portrait of a Stuart prince’, British Art Journal, 10/2 (2009), 51–7

Archives

  • Central Region Archives, Stirling, papers
  • CUL, narrative of his visit to Manchester
  • NL Scot., letters and papers of and relating to him and his family
  • NRA Scotland, priv. coll., letters and papers
  • Royal Arch., papers
  • Ushaw College, Durham, papers
  • BL, letters to his brother, the cardinal, Add. MS 34634
  • BL, letters to Cardinal Gualterio, etc., Add. MS 20661
  • Holyrood House, Edinburgh, letters to his father and proclamation as prince of Wales and regent
  • Musée Calvet, Avignon, papers relating to Avignon
  • priv. coll., letters to duke of Atholl
  • Warks. CRO
  • West Highland Museum, Fort William, papers and letters relating to the '45

Likenesses

  • studio of A. David, oils, 1729, NPG
  • A. David, oils, 1732, Scot. NPG
  • G. Hussey, miniature, 1735, Blair Castle, Perth and Kinross
  • L. G. Blanchet, oils, 1738, NPG [see illus.]
  • L. G. Blanchet, oils, 1739, Royal Collection
  • attrib. T. Pingo, bronze medal sculpture, 1745, NPG
  • A. Ramsay, oils, 1745, Gosford House, Edinburgh
  • G. Will, print, 1745 (after Wassdail), Scot. NPG
  • R. Strange, engraving, 1745–6 (after A. Ramsay), NL Scot.; on loan to Scot. NPG
  • N. J. B. de Poilly, line engraving, 1746 (after D. Dupra), BM, Scot. NPG
  • attrib. H. Douglas Hamilton, oils, 1780–1788, NPG; version, oils, Scot. NPG
  • H. Douglas Hamilton, portrait, 1784–5, Scot. NPG
  • C. E. Dalrymple, ink drawing, Scot. NPG
  • attrib. B. Gennari, oils (aged six), Stonyhurst College, Lancashire
  • G. Hussey, red chalk drawing, BM
  • R. Strange, line engraving, BM
  • J. Williams, engraving (as ‘Betty Burke’), NL Scot.; on loan to Scot. NPG
  • copper miniature (aged five), Scot. NPG
  • ink and watercolour drawing, Scot. NPG
  • oils, Scot. NPG
, 63 vols. (1885–1900), suppl., 3 vols. (1901); repr. in 22 vols. (1908–9); 10 further suppls. (1912–96); (1993)