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Henrietta Maria [Princess Henrietta Maria of France]locked

(1609–1669)
  • Caroline M. Hibbard

Henrietta Maria (1609–1669)

by Sir Anthony Van Dyck, 1632

The Royal Collection © 2004 HM Queen Elizabeth II

Henrietta Maria [Princess Henrietta Maria of France] (1609–1669), queen of England, Scotland, and Ireland, consort of Charles I, was born at the Louvre Palace in Paris on 16/26 November 1609, the fifth surviving child and youngest daughter of Henri IV, king of France and Navarre (1553–1610), and his second wife, Maria de' Medici (Marie de Medicis; 1573–1642), daughter of Francesco I, grand duke of Tuscany, and his wife, Archduchess Johanna of Austria. Her names in French were Henriette Marie.

Early years and education

Henrietta Maria's early years were a period of great political instability in the French kingdom, marked by the assassination of her father on 14 May 1610 and the contested regency of her mother. She went with the royal family on a ten-month expedition to Bordeaux in 1615 for the double marriage exchange of Spain and France, watching her sister Elizabeth leave for Madrid and her new sister-in-law Anne arrive in France. Frequent other celebrations and ceremonials, all magnificent and expensive, drew her and the other younger children to the court. Otherwise she lived mainly at St Germain, the palace and its gardens engraving themselves on her heart as models of rural pleasure that she would try to replicate in England.

Henrietta Maria was educated like her sisters in riding, dancing, and singing, and was a frequent participant in court theatricals. Although she had a tutor, she does not seem to have progressed much beyond reading and writing. But she was carefully shaped by the Carmelites in the dévot piety that reigned at the French court, an aesthetic and moral code that she would translate to the English scene. Although several possible marriage alliances were canvassed for her, including one with the count of Soissons, the English project was alive as early as 1619. Prince Charles (later Charles I) (1600–1649) paid little heed to her when he stopped in Paris on his way to woo the infanta in 1623, but the French negotiation was rapidly and vigorously pursued on both sides after the Anglo-Spanish match fell through.

Marriage and early life in England, 1625–1630

It was unprecedented for a Catholic princess to be sent in marriage to a protestant court, and this was reflected in the promises that Pope Urban VIII extracted from France in exchange for a papal dispensation. Accordingly, France insisted that the marriage treaty signed in November 1624 include commitments about religious rights of the queen, her children, and her household; while in a separate secret document Charles promised to suspend operation of the penal laws against Catholics. Some religious concessions in the treaty, such as the provision of chapels for the queen in every royal house, were scrupulously fulfilled; others, such as her claim to be served by an exclusively Catholic household, were not. The promise of general relief for the English Catholics was a dead letter, in the face of parliamentary intransigence. There were disappointed expectations on both sides, and these, combined with continuing conflict over England's role as protector of the French Huguenots, clouded the marriage in the early years.

Despite the sudden death of James I at the end of March, the wedding went ahead with little delay, Charles de Lorraine, duke of Chevreuse, taking the place of George Villiers, first duke of Buckingham, as the proxy for Charles I. An elaborate betrothal ceremony was followed by an even more elaborate wedding, celebrated on 1/11 May 1625 at the church door of Nôtre Dame, after which the bride and the French left the English protestant ambassadors and Chevreuse at the door, and entered to attend the nuptial mass. The week of sumptuous banquets, balls, and festivities that followed, the rich trousseau and furnishings with which she had been provided, and the slow journey to Boulogne with her large retinue must have left a lasting impression of the splendour of the homeland she was leaving. Hundreds of French appointed to serve in her household, and dignitaries accompanying her to the marital court, crossed the channel with her in early June. The English courtiers closely involved in the match, such as Henry Jermyn, remained close to the queen for many years.

The English with their king who came to meet Henrietta Maria at Dover saw a short and slight but vivacious girl of fifteen, with brown hair and black eyes and a combination of sweetness and wit remarked on by almost every observer. When Charles looked down at her feet, seeming to wonder if she had high-heeled shoes, she quickly raised the hem of her skirt to show him: 'Sire, I stand upon mine own feet. I have no help by art. This high am I, and neither higher nor lower' (Ellis, 1st series, 3.197). That she had not only her father's wit but also his temper became quickly evident in a dispute over seating in the royal carriage when her lady of honour was excluded. None the less, the queen's initial reception in England by king and court was warm, and several tiffs between competing chaplains were brushed over. Chevreuse and his wife stayed on as guests for months and were popular with king and queen alike.

The larger French objectives of exerting influence over the English court and building a party of friends among English Catholics made little headway in the early years, but it was more intimate issues that disturbed the marriage. The demands by Henrietta Maria's Oratorian confessors that she rigidly observe Catholic practices of abstinence from sexual relations at certain days and seasons, and the disruptions caused by her French attendants, soured relations between the 16-year-old girl and her inexperienced 25-year-old husband.

Charles was locked in struggles with his boisterously anti-Catholic parliaments, and dependent on the advice of the duke of Buckingham, whose relations he wished to place in positions of dignity around the queen. Buckingham saw in the young queen a potential rival for influence and attempted to bully or manipulate her. Henrietta's refusal to be crowned by a protestant prelate early in 1626 (or even to attend the coronation ceremony, although a special screened place had been prepared for her) was deeply offensive to the king. The French government's instructions to its ambassadors in 1625 had anticipated some form of coronation, not surprisingly given the traditional view that the ritual legitimized the children of the royal marriage. The outcome is especially paradoxical in view of the long French experience of regencies since the mid-sixteenth century, and her own mother's insistence on being crowned in 1610.

Continued wrangles over the queen's jointure and the finances of her household, and over her public religious practice, culminated in the expulsion of most of her French attendants from the country in early August 1626. Although the episode was unusually dramatic, the exchange of original attendants for those from the marital court was standard; and the experienced French ambassador François de Bassompierre, sent over later in the year, might well have smoothed things over had war not broken out on other grounds. A comparative estrangement between the royal couple lasted until Buckingham's assassination in June 1628, after which their intimacy was complete and lasting.

During this early period Henrietta Maria's psychological isolation from those closest to her—she was attached to a few key figures among her remaining French attendants, and to her Scottish Oratorian confessor Father Robert Philip—threw her back on her religious loyalties, and shaped lifelong personal loyalties. She was far from reclusive at this time, for she supervised at least three court entertainments in 1626 and 1627, already evincing an independent and highly developed taste in the arts. Here she followed in the footsteps of her mother, an ambitious and extravagant patron of artists and artisans. The painter Orazio Gentileschi came to England from her mother's court in 1626, and in the next decade much of his production came into her possession, including a Finding of Moses that seems to signify her own sense of mission about bringing true religion to England, and was later taken by her to France to the house in which she died. In the 1630s the controversial exchange of agents with the papal court was sweetened for the king by the access it provided to artists under Barberini patronage.

At Buckingham's death Henrietta Maria took the king in her arms both literally and figuratively; he thenceforth had no other favourite, and, as all observers remarked, when she chose to exert her influence she had a great deal. Their intimacy led to a pregnancy and the premature birth of a son, who lived only two hours in May 1629. The eldest surviving child, later Charles II (1630–1685), was born on 29 May 1630; she bore six more children from then until 1644, including Mary, afterwards princess of Orange (1631–1660), James, later James II and VII (1633–1701); and Henrietta, future duchess of Orléans (1644–1670) [see Henriette Anne]. The fecundity and serenity of the royal family was commemorated by Anthony Van Dyck in a series of famous portraits which have come to typify the age of Charles I.

Peace, parenthood, and patronage, 1630–1637

The close relationship with the king after Buckingham's death brought Henrietta Maria into contact with the great lords of the court, and she found their company pleasant; they appreciated her as a potential ally who had the king's ear, and who ensured that no second Buckingham would rule the king's affections and patronage. Already in 1627 she had grown close to James and Lucy Hay, earl and countess of Carlisle; now she associated also with Thomas Howard, fourteenth earl of Arundel, and his countess, Alathea—both noted patrons of the arts—Algernon Percy, tenth earl of Northumberland, and Robert Sidney, second earl of Leicester.

For seven years after the birth of her first child the queen's life was spent in happy activity that revolved around her family, her palaces, the regular routine of a peacetime court, and securing and extending the position of her Catholic faith. She bore four more children before the middle of 1637, and was seldom apart from the king; when he had a mild case of smallpox in 1632 she refused to leave his side. His visit to Scotland without her for a belated coronation in his other kingdom in 1633 saw him making the last of the return journey in great haste to surprise her. Together they went hunting, went out to the theatre or saw plays at Whitehall, and entertained ambassadors from foreign courts. Most summers they embarked on progresses: whether quite close to London, further afield (Salisbury, Portsmouth, East Anglia), or, as once in 1634, well north as far as Derbyshire. She enjoyed being outdoors, and stories of her informal expeditions in the countryside reveal that she did not stand on ceremony, but could enjoy games and jokes. The impulsiveness and occasional mischief making of her first years in England, as when she and her French ladies rudely interrupted a protestant service in her palace, seem subdued after 1630, although the underlying obstinacy re-emerged in the 1640s. This was the period, as she later told Madame de Motteville, when she was 'the happiest of women' (Motteville, 1.184).

Henrietta Maria had French tastes, and had brought with her a vast trousseau of clothes, jewellery, and furnishings suitable for a French princess about to become a queen. In England she lost no time in identifying artisans already on the scene who could supplement the French servants she lost in 1626; the French kitchen servants were never dismissed. Her bills for dress and textiles were high; Gentile (or Genty) the embroiderer and Grynder the upholsterer appear regularly on her pension and payment records, and her perfumer and various London jewel merchants profited greatly. From an early date she set about remodelling and redecorating her palaces, redesigning their gardens, and stocking them with fruit trees and plants sent for from France. Six royal palaces had been added to her jointure by 1630, of which four (Somerset House, Greenwich, Nonesuch, and Oatlands) had been held by Queen Anne, and two (Richmond and Holdenby) had been held by Charles as prince of Wales; in 1639 the king bought Wimbledon Manor to give to her. Somerset House and Greenwich Palace, in particular, were remodelled and furnished with great elegance and luxury. Inigo Jones had already worked on both palaces for Queen Anne; now he started again at Greenwich for the second stage of the ‘Queen's House’, and by the mid-1630s the queen was commissioning paintings for the interior by Gentileschi and other artists. Henrietta Maria was the subject as well as the patron of important commissions; in 1632 Van Dyck came to work at the English court, and it has been estimated that the queen sat for him a total of twenty-five times in the next eight years.

More ephemeral but much more expensive than commissioned portraits were the court entertainments in which Henrietta Maria so delighted, a taste she had brought with her from France and highly developed at the English court. Almost yearly from the winter of 1630–31 the king and queen presented masques to each other at twelfth night and Shrovetide, representing in words, music, dance, and scenic effect the themes of order and harmony that were so fully realized in their own marriage. All these masques were staged by Inigo Jones, and they embodied ideals of Platonic love in a Christian context that was much influenced by the queen's French Catholic spirituality and devotional practice, particularly the Marian cult that she was sponsoring at the court. These allusions were not lost on puritan critics, some of whom were also scandalized by the queen's appearing on stage herself. The production of a pastorale composed by the courtier Walter Montagu in early 1633, in which the queen had the central role, coincided with William Prynne's publication Histriomatrix, in which he described actresses as whores. For this he suffered a Star Chamber sentence of the pillory and mutilation.

Political and religious activity, 1630–1637

Henrietta Maria's approach to international politics was personal, dynastic, or cultural rather than nationalistic. The Anglo-French war that ended in spring 1629 had made her unhappy; she did not rejoice at the Anglo-Spanish peace of 1630. But the ‘day of dupes’ in November 1630, when Maria de' Medici decisively and permanently lost her position in the French government, left Henrietta with loyalties as divided as the French royal family. Her mother left France for good in the summer of 1631, thereafter living in exile mainly in Brussels as a guest of the Habsburg court there. Others of the queen's family and friends—her brother Gaston, Marie, duchesse de Chevreuse, the chevalier de Jars—were in more or less perennial opposition to Cardinal Richelieu by 1630. It is scarcely surprising, therefore, that French ambassadors in the early 1630s were complaining of how little the queen supported their efforts to influence English policy in the direction favoured by the cardinal's government. On the contrary, she became caught up in an international conspiracy, centred on the marquis de Chateauneuf, who had been ambassador to England in 1629–30, and promoted by Montagu, who had close acquaintance among Richelieu's enemies. The queen's closest French servant, Mme de Vantelet, was also implicated. This plot had the double objective of toppling Richelieu in France and Lord Treasurer Richard Weston in England. Henrietta thought the latter kept her on a short financial tether, while his peace policy could be smeared as Hispanophile by domestic rivals such as Henry Rich, earl of Holland. The plot collapsed in 1633, but remained fresh in Richelieu's memory.

In the course of these intrigues Henrietta Maria became associated with the party at court that supported a vigorous protestant foreign policy on behalf of the king's exiled sister Elizabeth of Bohemia, widow of the elector palatine Frederick V, and her eldest son, Charles Louis. This prince and his brother Rupert made a visit to England in 1635–7 to drum up support; they were well entertained by king and queen, visited Oxford in summer 1636, and were encouraged by an apparent rapprochement with France that might lead to military action on their behalf. The outbreak of direct hostilities between France and Spain in 1635 had led Richelieu to court the queen and her circle; the Percy family connection (the earls of Northumberland and Leicester, Henry Percy, and Lucy, countess of Carlisle) were also proponents of this design. Although the projected alliance fell through by mid-1637, the queen had experienced her first serious essay at foreign policy making.

By contrast, the advancement of the Catholic religion and protection of English Catholics had been a consistent concern of Henrietta Maria from the moment of her arrival in England; and her days and seasons were framed around religious observance. The marriage treaty had provided for a Catholic chapel and priests to staff it; even during the late 1620s her practice was never under threat, although she then had only two Oratorians in her service. None of her musicians, who served in both chapel and court, had been sent away in 1626; indeed this part of her household was enhanced in 1627–9 by the addition of at least half a dozen players, including the Irish harpist Daniel Cahill and the organist Richard Dering. After the Anglo-French peace the only important change in her household (and the only one she had sought) was the addition of the new complement of priests who were sent to serve her—a dozen Capuchins this time, as Richelieu's new adviser was the Capuchin Père Joseph.

The Capuchin order was in the vanguard of the French Catholic reform, distinguished for proselytizing activity on the borders of protestantism. Those sent to serve Henrietta Maria never succeeded in displacing her confessor Father Philip, but they provided a vigorous evangelizing presence, especially after the construction by Inigo Jones of a new chapel for the queen at Somerset House, her chief residence. This chapel, begun in September 1632 with a dedication service that attracted many hundreds of observers, opened in December 1635 with a sung pontifical mass. A spectacular 40 foot high architectural setting to surround the holy sacrament (an ‘apparato’, or stage set, of the kind newly fashionable in Italian churches) had been constructed by the sculptor François Dieussart. The festivities lasted three days, and attracted the attention and visits of numerous non-Catholics, including the king. The queen's almoner James du Perron, nephew to the noted anti-protestant controversialist Jacques Davy du Perron, was made bishop of Angoulême with the king's tacit consent.

The overt and implicit Catholicism at court had already for several years been evident to protestant observers and critics, who were particularly alarmed by the exchange of diplomatic agents with the papal court that got under way in 1633. Optimistic reports from Catholics in England about the possibility of the king's conversion and reunion of the churches induced Urban VIII to send a series of agents, whose activities in England wrought damage that far outweighed the partial and temporary relaxation of anti-Catholic measures that they achieved. The Oratorian priest Gregorio Panzani, who arrived late in 1634 and stayed two years, associated with British Catholics and crypto-Catholics at the court. His activities, and the presence at court of reunionists such as the Franciscan Christopher Davenport, lent colour to those who suspected Archbishop William Laud of plotting to take the Church of England back to Rome. Panzani's successor in the late 1630s was the Scot George Con, an agile courtier fluent in English whose ambitions for a cardinal's hat were supported by the queen, and who spent much time in the company of the royal couple. Con repeated to Rome what he observed and what Father Philip reported on the queen's faith and character: 'the actions of her majesty are full of incredible innocence … she has no sin, except those of omission' (Letters, ed. Green, 32). Through Con the king was able to acquire works of art from Rome, including Bernini's head of the king done from a three-way portrait by Van Dyck.

The British wars of religion, 1638–1641

Egged on by Con and her Catholic courtiers, notably Walter Montagu, whose conversion in 1635 was a cause célèbre, Henrietta Maria not only intervened to protect English Catholics, and kept her chapel open to them, but also proselytized energetically among the court women. By 1638 her successes led one observer to lament, 'Our great women fall away every day' (Earl of Strafford's Letters and Dispatches, 2.194). In 1638 as well, two grand intriguers arrived at the English court with numerous Catholic hangers-on: first the duchesse de Chevreuse, then the queen's own mother, Maria de' Medici, unwelcome to the king but not in the end rejected. Maria stayed until the middle of 1641, an expensive and disruptive embarrassment to an increasingly besieged king.

Against this backdrop of court Catholic revival, it was easy for the king's critics to portray the prayer book crisis in Scotland and the covenanting revolt in terms of religious war. This reading of the situation was reinforced by the queen's attempt to rally Catholics from all three kingdoms behind her husband's two northern campaigns in 1639 and 1640. In particular, the contribution she organized in 1639 among the English Catholics proved a great deal more politically damaging than financially useful. It was also at this time that the queen made her first secret effort to secure a papal loan to support the king's military efforts, an initiative that was repeated several times in the 1640s. By the time George Con left England in mid-1639, he was near death and his hopes to become a cardinal were dashed, but he had helped the queen create a militant Catholic party whose activities were continued by his successor, Carlo Rossetti, from 1639 to 1641.

Even before Con had left England, the protestant backlash had begun in sermons, placards, and pamphleteering attacks on the court. When financial necessity forced the king to call his first parliament in eleven years, in April 1640, the leaders of the House of Commons picked up the attack on court Catholicism. The queen, her mother, the papal nuncio, the Capuchins and their chapel, and the Catholic contribution were all pinpointed. The early dissolution of this parliament was followed by intense disquiet in London with petitions, graffiti, riots, and extravagant rumours; and, as its members dispersed back into the counties, they carried with them a newly urgent sense of danger emanating from the heart of the court.

The Long Parliament and the Popish Plot, 1640–1642

The activities of Henrietta Maria and court Catholics provided a thematic focus for the opposition in the Long Parliament; claims that the king had been either a party to or a victim of a ‘popish plot’ throughout his reign were central to the arguments and publications of the parliamentary party from the grand remonstrance of 1641 through to 1648. The resulting atmosphere of fear and suspicion on both sides contributed to the more radical decisions that led to hostilities between the king and parliament. One after another of the queen's friends and servants was summoned to be questioned in the House of Commons in the session of 1640–41, several fled to the continent, there were repeated demands that no Catholics be allowed to serve her, and she was forced to apologize for her efforts to raise money from English Catholics to support the Scottish campaign of 1639. She began to speak of going to France for a year of rest, but was discouraged by the French court.

London was a centre of international intrigue at this time, with the imperial and Spanish ambassadors there actively fomenting the rebellion of French exiles against Richelieu; this presented a model for political conflict that almost certainly influenced Henrietta Maria's views. The so-called army plot to use or threaten force against parliament was conjured up by young hotheads among her protestant courtiers, including Henry Percy, Sir George Goring, and Henry Jermyn, the last already identified as one of her closest confidants. Its exposure in May marked the queen irrevocably in public opinion as a proponent of violent measures. Only half known to her critics were the queen's continuing efforts to procure aid for her family from outside England: from France, Ireland, and especially Rome. From the beginning of the Scottish troubles she had encouraged the extravagant projects of Randal MacDonnell, second earl of Antrim, to raise men in Ireland for the king's service, and had urged Rome to seize the opportunity the crisis presented to benefit Catholics throughout the British Isles. In vain she argued that a papal subsidy for Irish and foreign troops would bring concessions from the king.

The spring of 1641 saw Henrietta Maria absorbed by two very different dramas. Her husband's chief counsellor, Thomas Wentworth, earl of Strafford, was on trial for his life in parliament, and she was almost daily attending the trial in March and April. She later claimed to have attempted to assist Strafford in secret meetings with various parliamentary leaders; she was almost certainly in negotiation with parliamentarians in January and February 1641, although the content of these discussions can only be conjectured. Concurrently, arrangements for the marriage of Princess Mary to William, son of Frederick Henry, prince of Orange, were being finalized. The queen had been toying with ideas of a Spanish match, but the United Provinces seemed willing to promise assistance to the king in exchange for the marital capture of the eldest daughter. The young prince made a happy impression on both king and queen, and the wedding was performed on 2 May 1641, but days away from Strafford's execution. The princess at nine was too young for more than a token ‘consummation’, and her young husband returned home alone.

Henrietta Maria was terribly alarmed by the riots in London in the last days of Strafford's trial, and these accelerated with the exposé of the army plot. Both in parliament and by the crowds she was accused as a chief evil counsellor of her husband, and her confessor Father Philip was arrested in late June 1641. The papal agent Rossetti, long under attack by parliament, left before the month was out. After the trial and execution of Strafford the queen seems to have believed it was only a matter of time before she met a similar fate, and she made contingency plans for a flight to the continent. Ambassadors variously reported that she might settle in Holland, in Brussels, or in France. A planned trip to The Hague with Princess Mary, when she would also carry jewels to pawn for the king's support, was forestalled in July by protests of the House of Commons.

In August 1641 Maria de' Medici left for the continent, and the king departed for Scotland to attempt to secure support there; he left Henrietta Maria in a position of considerable influence with the councillors left behind, who reported to her weekly. Her frequent letters to him, full of advice, reveal how closely she was following political winds in London. But she was very fearful of violence against herself, and had moved out to Oatlands. Her letters to her sister Christine lamented that she was like a prisoner, and that the king had lost all his power. Nor were her fears groundless; alarmed at the king's initial political success in Scotland, the parliamentary leaders floated a rumour that they intended to seize the queen and the prince as hostages. Even so, then and later, she retained a resilient hopefulness and a confidence that beyond the capital city the king's support was overwhelming.

In November, the king still absent, the queen had to relinquish custody of the prince of Wales to a governor named by parliament, who claimed that the prince was endangered by the presence and influence of Catholics around his mother. The king's triumphant return from Scotland and entry into London later that month were a short-lived victory, for the outbreak of the Irish rising had persuaded the parliamentary opposition that all they had feared about Catholic plotting was true, and that the queen was at the centre of it. The grand remonstrance detailed this conspiracy at length, starting at the beginning of the reign and connecting 'popery' at every stage with alleged royal 'tyranny'. Parliament's decision in mid-December to print this document marked the beginning of a long pamphlet campaign that demonized the queen and discredited the king; both official and unofficial publications about her swelled the flood of print that was unleashed in 1641–2. A rising level of real and threatened violence in London, and the repeated suggestions that the queen was the author of the Irish rising and might be impeached for treason, hardened her completely against compromise. She renewed her attempts to obtain papal funds to support Irish troops. It is very probable that she encouraged the king in the attempted arrest of the five members in early January 1642; certainly she was widely believed to have done so. Thereafter, rumours of her intended impeachment multiplied, and she feared imprisonment or even death.

The queen in Holland, 1642–1643

The king and queen left London on 10 January 1642, he not to return until the eve of his execution, and she only after the Restoration. Their fear for the queen's safety doubtless contributed to the decision to go; from Hampton Court they moved to Windsor. The older princes and princess went with them, but Henry (1640–1660) and Elizabeth (1635–1650) were fatally left behind. George, Baron Digby of Sherborne, one of the king's most fervent supporters, had fled to Holland, and from there wrote advising the queen (and king) to take firm measures; this was the first of many intercepted letters to or from the queen that were printed by parliament. On 19 February 1642 parliament issued a 'declaration of causes and remedies' that focused on the queen, her household, and her role as adviser; this evolved into the nineteen propositions presented to the king in June. She departed with Princess Mary for Holland on 23 February from Dover, the king riding along the shore miserably watching her ship disappear. She left instructions for her Capuchins left behind in London to keep the chapel at Somerset House for her remaining household. In her company were the earl of Arundel, Lord Goring, Mary Stuart (née Villiers), duchess of Richmond, Susan Feilding (née Villiers), countess of Denbigh, and Jean Ker (née Drummond), countess of Roxburghe, Father Philip and two Capuchins, the dwarf Hudson, and her faithful dog Mitte. It was the first of several difficult channel passages; before she touched shore, a storm sank one boat carrying her chapel plate.

Henrietta Maria's letters to the king are full of her frustrations in summer 1642. She was welcomed by the prince of Orange and Prince William, and by Elizabeth of Bohemia, whom she was meeting for the first time, and was installed in a refurbished palace in The Hague. But she found it difficult to pawn the jewels, was impatient with the stadholder's attempts to entertain her, and was outraged that the states general received an envoy from parliament. For the first time she mentioned the toothaches, headaches, and other physical ailments that were a refrain of all her future letters. Absence from her husband, the perennial problems of communication, and the prevalence of rumours all damaged her nerves. Henry Jermyn and Lord Digby were soon at her side planning the purchase of arms to send back to England, and others such as John Finch and Henry Percy who had been named 'delinquent' by parliament began to frequent her court. In Cologne her mother died; the queen had been refused permission by the Dutch to go to her.

Throughout the autumn Henrietta Maria tried to return to England, but was foiled by contrary winds, and was exasperated by the king's failure to take her advice to move vigorously against the munitions centre and port of Hull. During 1642 she was handling her own correspondence, not only with Charles but also with Sir Thomas Culpeper, John Ashburnham, and William Cavendish, earl of Newcastle; she did not hesitate to advise the king on appointments even of privy councillors. Elizabeth of Bohemia, whose eldest son Charles Louis, the prince palatine, had been in England since April 1641, believed that the queen ruled the king, and that she always counselled the use of force. It is impossible to put reliable figures on the amount of money the queen raised in her trip to Holland in 1642–3, or the amount of ordnance and supplies, or the exact numbers of English soldiers drawn out of continental armies for the king's service. Some of this aid was waylaid by parliamentarian ships or otherwise diverted before it reached the royal army. But her efforts were unremitting, and substantial resources reached the king, some of it brought over by his palatine nephews Rupert and Maurice when they reached England in September 1642. Her intercepted letters, detailing as they did her continued negotiations with the French and Danish crowns, further alarmed parliament about the extent of foreign aid that might become available to the king, prompting the sending of parliamentary agents to Holland and the French court. Rumours of invasion from Denmark or France, or both, were rife; and agents in Holland, where parliament had many sympathizers, were able to report her efforts there in some detail. There were alarms along the coast at Yarmouth and other suspected landing places. At the end of 1642 she was buoyed by the death of Richelieu, whom she had regarded as an enemy of her husband; her hopes of French assistance revived, she sent Walter Montagu to plead her cause with his old friend Cardinal Mazarin.

The ‘popish army’ of the north, 1643

In mid-January 1643 the earl of Newcastle, commanding the king's forces in the north, retook the city of York, and Henrietta Maria finally set off for England. The trip was dangerous; John Pym was alleged to have said that if they could capture her they would be able to set their own conditions with the king. In stormy weather it took her two tries and the loss of a boat carrying her horses, carriages, and grooms to get across to Bridlington Bay in Yorkshire, bombarded by parliamentary ships during and after the landing. She was summoned by parliament to appear, but instead spent three months in York, during which time she met Scottish supporters of the king, among whom James Graham, fifth earl of Montrose, made a lastingly good impression. She once again sent off her old protégé the earl of Antrim to raise forces in Ireland, but he was captured with incriminating letters that only fed the swelling propaganda campaign.

The political reverberations of the queen's efforts were at least as important as any contribution to the royalist military effort that they made. Her image as the leader of a Catholic crusade was bolstered by her enthusiasm for posing at the head of the forces that would march south from Yorkshire to Oxford in June and July 1643. Writing to the king, she described herself as 'her she-majesty generalissima' (Letters, ed. Green, 222). In Newcastle's army a large minority of senior officers were Catholic, and this had already evoked references to an 'army of Papists'; these allegations now multiplied, the London newsbooks picking up the theme. The war became seen by many, especially below the gentry class, as a religious struggle; and there developed an English version of the ‘black legend’ formerly aimed at Spain, which linked brutality with Catholics; this provided a link in the chain of accusations that culminated in the cry, later in the decade, that Charles I was a 'man of blood'.

The queen's warlike acts were explicitly connected to a series of symbolic depredations by which, in spring 1643, the House of Commons 'purified' London of ‘popish’ symbols. Early in April a group of MPs led by Sir John Clotworthy and Henry Marten pillaged and desecrated her chapel and Capuchin convent at Somerset House. On 3 June, Marten was also a leader among those who broke into the chapel at Westminster Abbey where the crown regalia were stored, and made a mockery of the items before taking an inventory. On 23 May the House of Commons drew up a resolution of impeachment for high treason against the queen, on the grounds that she had levied war against the parliament and kingdom. Their demand that she appear before them was of course a dead letter, but on 21 June 1643 the Commons passed the articles of impeachment, which then languished in the Lords.

On 3 June 1643 Henrietta Maria had left York with a large force that she estimated at 3000 foot, some 1800–2000 horse and dragoons, six cannon, and two mortars, Jermyn serving as colonel of her guards. Having moved on to Newark, she waited two weeks in vain hopes for the surrender of Hull before continuing southwards. In later life she spoke nostalgically to Mme de Motteville of this early summer of 'campaigning', in which she had lived with the troops; her brother King Louis XIII had died on 14 May, and perhaps she was thinking of the father she had hardly known and recalling his military exploits. Early July saw her on the road to Oxford, where the king had made his headquarters; Prince Rupert met her at Stratford upon Avon. At her joyous reunion with Charles near Edgehill on 13 July he yielded to a request for a peerage for her courtier Henry Jermyn; a few days later the king and queen were in Oxford.

The ‘Indian summer’ of the reign, 1643–1644

Henrietta Maria's presence in the wartime ‘Oxford court’ lasted only from July 1643 to April 1644. The royal couple entered the city in a festive and noisy procession, culminating in a mayoral welcoming speech at Carfax, and a volume of poetry in her honour was presented to the queen by scholars of the university. These were personally happy months; the king was at Christ Church and she was installed at Merton College, using the college chapel for her Catholic services, with elegant musical performances. She was the centre of a glittering if sometimes rowdy group of courtiers. But the Oxford court was full of rivalries and conflicting views about policy, in which the queen and her circle became deeply engaged. She suffered a blow to her hopes of French aid by the capture of her favourite Walter Montagu, who attempted in October to sneak into England with the new French ambassador; he remained imprisoned for four years. The parliamentary Perfect Diurnal of 2–9 October 1643 alleged that his return was 'clear evidence to all the world of the great design in this kingdom for the Catholic cause, when such grand Jesuited Papists as this shall be brought over hither to have intercourse with both their Majesties'. Montrose was entertained at court and given the commission he had long sought with her backing, but her chief hopes still lay in Ireland. The cessation with the Irish confederacy in September, soon followed by parliament's alliance with the Scots, opened the door to a new phase of royal negotiations for Irish soldiers and papal subsidy. Antrim, escaped from captivity, reappeared at court with new plans to unite Ireland behind the king; with the queen's blessing, he set off for Ireland with James Butler, first marquess of Ormond, at the beginning of 1644 on yet another mission that would be shipwrecked on personal animosities and papal intransigence.

Finding that she was pregnant in the early spring of 1644, the queen wanted to give birth in a safer place than Oxford and left the city on 17 April, little realizing she would never see her husband again. With but a few attendants, she travelled to Bath and then to Exeter, the parliamentary army under Robert Devereux, third earl of Essex, still trying to catch her as she escaped westward. She was ill and miserable, and her desperate husband begged the elderly physician Theodore Mayerne to travel from London to attend her; 'Mayerne, for the love of me, go to my wife, C.R.' (Letters, ed. Green, 243). In Exeter on 16 June she gave birth to her last child, a girl. Having escaped from the besieged city soon after giving birth, and having left the infant in the care of Anne Villiers, Lady Dalkeith, the queen moved through Cornwall. She finally took sail out of Falmouth Bay about 14 July with Jermyn, Father Philip, one lady, a physician, and her dwarf and dog. Her bishop du Perron had been sent to France late in 1643 to test the possibility of a retreat there, and there she now headed. In her last letter to the king before she left, she wrote:

I hope yet to serve you. I am giving you the strongest proof of love that I can give; I am hazarding my life, that I may not incommode your affairs. Adieu, my dear heart. If I die, believe that you will lose a person who has never been other than entirely yours, and who by her affection has deserved that you should not forget her.

ibid., 249

Initiatives in France, 1644–1646

The crossing to France marked the end of an era, although Henrietta Maria may not have realized it; she referred frequently and longingly to a future reunion with her husband. But now she was thrown into dependence on Jermyn, who handled much of her private and public correspondence and negotiations with the French court. Nor did she ever regain good health; modern analysis of her symptoms suggests she was suffering from tuberculosis. After landing in Brittany on 16 July after a stormy and contested passage, she sent Jermyn to Paris for help, then travelled slowly through the French countryside during the summer heat. She was met by doctors and messages from Anne of Austria, whose help for her person, if not for her cause, never thereafter failed her; she was immediately awarded a pension of 30,000 livres a month. She travelled inland with Father Philip and her ladies Richmond and Denbigh, finally arriving at the spa city of Bourbon on 25 August, where she stayed through September. She had grown sicker during the trip, an abcess in her breast having to be lanced; Mme de Motteville, a lady-in-waiting sent by Anne of Austria to bring her to Paris, found her in terrible condition, able to think and speak of nothing but the situation in England. She set out painfully for Paris, and was met at Nevers by her brother Gaston, duke of Orléans, and her girlhood friend Anne-Genevieve de Bourbon-Condé, duchess of Longueville, neither of whom had she seen since 1625, and by delayed bad news from England of the king's defeat at Marston Moor. Only after that battle had the king reached his infant daughter in Exeter and baptized her Henrietta.

Henrietta Maria reached Paris by early November, and was met by Anne of Austria, who settled her at the Louvre with a generous allowance, and by Gaston's daughter Anne Marie Louise, duchess of Montpensier (Mademoiselle de Montpensier), who figured in her dynastic plans for years to come. At court she found some of her friends who had been exiled while Richelieu lived; and around her, at the Louvre and at her summer residence in St Germain, gathered a court of royalists in exile. After the defeats in northern England late in 1644, first Newcastle and Henry, second Viscount Wilmot, then Percy made their way to Paris. They did not form a happy or united group; Jermyn was self-indulgent and a focus for resentment, while the queen's stinting to save money from her allowance to send to Charles I meant few crumbs for her courtiers, and constant squabbling over them. For the next two years there was a steady stream of letters back and forth across the channel, the queen urging her husband to resolution, detailing her efforts on his behalf, pleading for news from him, advising him on appointments.

Despite continued ill health, Henrietta Maria immediately renewed her struggle for men, money, and diplomatic support for her husband. Over the next few years she turned ceaselessly from Mazarin and the duke of Lorraine to Ireland, Scotland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Pope Innocent X. She revived overtures to the prince of Orange about a second marriage alliance between their houses linked to aid for her husband; this project limped on despite the stadholder's obvious lack of interest until mid-1646. Observers in London reported the various rumours of her plans for invasions, and noted the 'no small anxiety and apprehension' they aroused. Her activities were reported by the London newsbooks, and more direct evidence would be provided by her captured correspondence. In France she presented her cause in the guise of defence of Catholicism, as she said in one letter to Charles reprinted in King's Cabinet Opened: 'All the assistance that I get from France to send you, is from the Catholics, as a sort of bribe to assist the Catholics of England' (Letters, ed. Green, 290–91). Early in 1646 her old almoner the bishop of Angoulême urged the French clergy to raise funds to help save the Catholics of England; his speech to the assembly was picked up and later (1647) printed in translation by parliament. This did not misrepresent what the king had expressed himself willing to offer a year earlier in 1645, to 'take away all the penal laws' against the Catholics in England in exchange for sufficient help (ibid., 291). At the time of the Uxbridge negotiations she counselled her husband to stand to his principles, not abandon those who had served him, and above all not to venture unguarded into the hands of his enemies. Very revealing of her state of mind was a passage, later mocked by parliamentary commentators, in which she expressed her fears for his (and her) safety. 'I do not see how you can be in safety without a regiment of guard; for myself, I think I cannot be, seeing the malice which they have against me and my religion, of which I hope you will have a care of both …' (ibid., 279). Like Angoulême, she was able to contemplate the slaughter of the royal family. After the king's defeat at Naseby in June 1645 his cabinet of correspondence was captured, and a few months later Digby also lost revealing letters. It was neither the first nor the last time her letters were caught by her enemies and printed, to the grave detriment of her husband's cause.

Although Henrietta Maria's efforts yielded some arms and money, the continental war absorbed French resources, and Dutch sympathy for the English parliament forestalled the prince of Orange. Mazarin, as sceptical about the Stuarts as Richelieu had been, was happy enough to let her think the duke of Lorraine could furnish 10,000 men, which would conveniently relieve the pressure this troublemaker exerted on France. The royalist defeats of 1645 reduced the likelihood of French aid, and the loss of Bristol and then Plymouth in that year eliminated the possibility of it. When the king went to join the Scots in May 1646, entering into negotiations brokered by the French, who found they preferred a weakened king to a republic in England, she entered into this new project with some enthusiasm, vainly urging him to come to terms with the Scots over the episcopacy but not take the covenant: 'You should no more impose the covenant upon other people than you should take it yourself, for all those who take it swear to punish all delinquents, that is all of your party, myself the first' (Letters, ed. Green, 329).

In 1645 and 1646 both king and queen still had high hopes from Ireland. Since 1643 she had been trying to persuade the Irish Catholic confederates to accept the limited religious concessions that Ormond was authorized to offer; how much she knew of the more expansive offers made via her old courtier friend Edward Somerset, Lord Herbert of Raglan, now raised to the earldom of Glamorgan, is unclear; she almost certainly would have approved of them. Certainly in Paris in 1644–5 she lent a too ready ear to the grandiose schemes proposed by the Jesuit O'Hartagan for what amounted to an Irish invasion of England. She had constantly since the later 1630s linked her hopes from Ireland with papal aid, but her reiterated efforts were in vain. The new pope, Innocent X, was surrounded by Spanish influences and unimpressed by her agent Sir Kenelm Digby. Digby returned with a little money for Ireland, and very high demands for religious concessions in both England and Ireland as the price for anything more substantial. Papal agents in Ireland were positively hostile to the Stuart cause; first Scarampi then the nuncio Rinuccini (1645–8) obstructed Ormond's efforts to unite the Catholics behind a royalist standard.

It is easy in retrospect to label the queen unprincipled, considering the various strands of her projects and suggestions in these years; but she belonged to a world of dynasties, not of nation states, and her own father had famously thought that Paris was worth a mass. Her loyalties were not the less firm for later seeming archaic; from the outset of the war she was more frightened than the king of his enemies and what they might do.

The royal family and the end game, 1646–1648

The disappointments and irresolution of mid-1646 were lightened for Henrietta Maria by the company of her eldest son and her youngest daughter, both recently arrived from England. Prince Charles had moved from the west of England to the Scilly Isles, then to Jersey, in spring 1646, the queen pursuing him and his ministers with letters begging that he join her in France, to which she had obtained the king's concurrence. She assured him that he would remain free in his movements and free from her attempts on his conscience, and did not fail to send a picture of France's wealthiest potential match, her niece and Gaston's daughter, Mlle de Montpensier. Finally he agreed. Princess Henrietta, captive for several months after the fall of Exeter, was spirited out of England in disguise by her governess Anne Douglas (née Keith), countess of Morton, arriving within a month of her brother. Henriette Anne, as she was now named out of regard for the queen regent (or Minette, as Prince Charles nicknamed her), was the constant companion of her mother from the day of their reunion until the girl's marriage in 1661. Minette was brought up to be French and also Catholic, in not so vague anticipation of a Catholic royal marriage. The arrival of her son in July enabled Henrietta Maria to develop new marriage plans for him to replace the long-moribund negotiations with the prince of Orange. She spent the winter of 1646–7 introducing a not particularly willing teenage son to the court life of Paris and to his cousin and potential partner. Henrietta Maria seems to have set her heart on this match; and Queen Anne, Mazarin, and Gaston showed some interest, perhaps to avoid offending her. The young woman was older than the prince, sharp-tongued, and considered a snob even by her royal aunts, but she was the richest heiress in France, if not in all Europe; the logic of Henrietta's ambitions was very sound. Unfortunately, Mlle de Montpensier was unimpressed by her cousin, who seemed awkward and was strangely unable to speak French.

During the two years when Charles I was in the hands of the Scots, the English parliament, and then the army, Henrietta Maria tried to maintain contact with him under increasing difficulties. She despaired of his apparent willingness to compromise on issues such as the militia that she thought fundamental. She still hoped for aid from Ireland, sending a secular priest, George Leyburn (codenamed Winter Grant), to the duke of Ormond in June 1647, and talking of going there herself. She sent Sir Kenelm Digby to Rome one last time, receiving after the usual delays a final rejection in March 1648. Hoping to take advantage of the rumoured sympathy of some in the army in late 1647, she sent Sir John Berkeley and two others to attempt mediation with the Independents. Nothing worked.

Passing through Paris in summer 1647, Montrose reported with dismay on the demoralized character of the exiled court; there were endless quarrels and threats of duels. In the autumn the queen lost her old Scottish confessor Father Philip; he was replaced by Walter Montagu, who was released from an English prison, joined her in Paris in mid-1649, and took orders in 1651. If all about her was crumbling, the queen none the less kept her resolution and grasped at every straw of good news. To the end she encouraged the king to believe in the possibility of aid from across the channel and tried to organize it; and to the end the intercepted letters between king and queen detailing these projects for foreign troops were fatal. The declaration on the vote of no addresses in February 1648 rehearsed, as had the grand remonstrance, all the past history and present currency of ‘plots’ to bring in foreign and Irish troops. When the second civil war was launched in the spring and summer of 1648, she supported the decision to send Prince Charles to Scotland, and raised £30,000 with her last jewels to help finance this effort.

Late in 1648 the queen made a final effort to go to her husband, sending letters to the houses of parliament and to General Thomas Fairfax that were laid aside unopened until long after the Restoration. That winter she was living in such poverty that she was unable to heat her rooms; Cardinal de Retz had felt compelled to intervene with the parlement of Paris on her behalf for a grant of money.

The regicide, 1649

Henrietta Maria was at the Louvre when Charles I was executed; she did not hear about her husband's death for over a week because of the poor communications between central Paris and the French court, which was then at St Germain because of the Fronde uprisings. Upon being told by Jermyn, she was thunderstruck, in such shock that her sister-in-law Françoise, duchess of Vendôme, was summoned to help revive her. Leaving Henriette Anne with her governess Lady Morton and Father Cyprien, Henrietta retired to the Carmelite convent at the rue St Jacques in which she had spent happy days as a girl. There she read the last letter sent her by her husband.

Henrietta Maria never really recovered from this event, and her personality seems to have permanently changed. She was thirty-nine, and devoted the rest of her years to promoting her son's claim to the throne, bringing up her youngest daughter, and her own religious practice. She emerged from the convent, at the urging of Father Cyprien, who said her family needed her, in the simple black dress that she wore for the rest of her life. In the sad months after her husband's death, when her son's future either through Ireland or through Scotland seemed to hang in the balance, she turned to her sister Christine, duchess of Savoy, and streams of letters in both directions testify to their affection.

Although Henrietta Maria kept her hopes up in 1649–50, advising her son to look to Ireland and Scotland for aid, she faced successive personal blows. Her old almoner du Perron died, it was said of shock, soon after hearing of the regicide; her daughter Elizabeth died in captivity at Carisbrooke Castle in September 1650, and the husband of her daughter Mary, William II, prince of Orange, died suddenly in November. The last was the harshest blow, it seems, as she said 'in him were placed all my hopes for my son's restoration' (Lettres de Henriette-Marie, 405). Her second son, James, duke of York, having escaped from England, came to France in spring 1649, but he was restless and within a year departed on the first of several periods of military service under foreign princes.

Politics of the post-regicide court

From the regicide until Charles II's return from Scotland, late in 1651 Henrietta Maria and her associates (most importantly Jermyn, also Percy, Wilmot, and Lord Digby) formed a party labelled ‘the Louvre’ by Sir Edward Hyde and Sir Edward Nicholas, who were often at odds with them. As former army plotters, these courtiers were indeed inauspicious as a group thought to be guiding the young king. Moreover, they were perceived because of the queen's support for the Scottish initiative as favouring compromise with the presbyterians. The poverty of the exiled court much exacerbated all these rivalries; the queen was unfailingly generous with her own reduced assets, offering in March 1649 to sell her pawned jewels to support her son's projected trip to Ireland. But the perception that Jermyn utterly controlled and misused her funds is a constant theme in the correspondence of Hyde, Nicholas, and Christopher, first Baron Hatton.

After Charles's return from Scotland Henrietta Maria's role as an adviser was measurably diminished; but since the young king's support—he was granted a French pension in May 1652—was funnelled through her household, the appearance and fear of her influence remained strong. By spring 1654 Charles was consulting her so little that Jermyn remonstrated with him, evoking a defensive letter from the king. The queen's role in the accusations against Hyde which convulsed the exiled court in the winter of 1653–4 may have been only a supporting one—it was her old courtier George Digby, now earl of Bristol, who did the main work—but it doubtless added distance between her and the king.

The queen had always taken an international perspective on England's politics, and she remained hopeful in the early 1650s that Ireland or Scotland, or any of a number of foreign powers, would intervene decisively on behalf of Charles II. She supported an embassy to Madrid in 1650–51 to try for a loan or for Spanish assistance with the pope, or to reconcile Spain and France; it bore no fruit. As Walter Montagu was an old friend of Cardinal Mazarin, she hoped yet again to persuade that minister to aid her son; but even had Mazarin been so inclined, the Fronde precluded any such initiative until the rise of Oliver Cromwell tipped the international political balance firmly against the royalists. Both religious politics and her contacts with Irish nobility inclined her still to hope more from Ireland than from Scotland. At one point in mid-1649 there was even renewed talk of her going to Ireland with her son. She trusted Ormond—as did the rival party among her son's advisers—but he proved unable to bring together the warring Irish factions in the face of determined papal opposition. Pope Innocent X would provide neither funds nor his blessing, and Cromwell's victories in Ireland by the end of 1649 forestalled a royal visit there. A project for the duke of Lorraine to rally support in Ireland would be floated on and off from 1650 to 1652. Henrietta made a fresh effort with the new pope in 1655, but to no avail. Rome for once had correctly assessed the situation in the British Isles; the need for Scottish support repeatedly compromised any efforts to win concessions for Irish Catholics.

Of all these possibilities, the most promising was the young king's trip to Scotland, and Henrietta Maria encouraged it. After negotiations at Breda, during which he promised to take the covenant, he sailed for Scotland in May 1650. She was horrified by his concessions, which she thought dishonourable, involving as they did disowning his Catholic relatives and followers. The familiar story of his adventures there—his coronation, the defeat at Dunbar, the daring escape from Worcester in September 1651—became known to his anxious mother in dribs and drabs, with few letters but many rumours. He returned a sterner man, even more withdrawn from his mother's influence, and increasingly anxious to be free of the dependence on a French pension which kept him at her side. Mlle de Montpensier found him more interesting than he had seemed in 1646 or 1649, but still a timid courtier, handicapped in his tentative suit by his religion, and more decisively by his lack of a kingdom. 'Given the state England was in I wouldn't have been happy to be queen of it' (Montpensier, 1.236–7). He never forgot her aspersions on his poverty and dependence. The renewal of the Fronde distanced both Mlle de Montpensier and her father, both Frondeurs, from the English royal family; and although Henrietta Maria chided her in 1656 for having lost an opportunity to gain independence and perhaps a crown through marriage, little more was said about this project.

Far from getting help from continental powers, the royal family lost ground with both France and the United Provinces between 1651 and 1655 because of the continuing Franco-Spanish war and growing naval power of the Cromwellian regime. The Anglo-Dutch wars of 1652–4 had served the exiles well; but first Holland (April 1654) then France (October 1655) made peace with the new regime in England. Mazarin found that one price of peace with England was formal recognition of its government, to which he had yielded in December 1652. In each peace treaty Cromwell exacted promises to stop aid to the Stuart cause; the Dutch had to cease hosting the exiled court and to keep royalist privateers from their ports, while France promised to expel both Charles and James. The queen thus lost contact with both her elder sons from the mid-1650s onwards; after Charles's departure from France in July 1654, and especially after her attempt at his brother Henry's conversion, she lost what little influence she had with him.

A ‘holy court’, 1651–1654

Henrietta's piety deepened after the loss of her husband, and she had lost the moderating influence of her old confessor Father Philip. Unlike Philip, Walter Montagu was not a moderating influence on the queen's proselytizing instincts. She wrote to Christine in December 1650 that God obviously wanted her to attend to non-worldly things. Her sister-in-law Anne of Austria had a similar reaction to political misfortune, and was given to interpreting the Fronde as a divine judgment. Possibly egged on by Montagu, Anne pressed Henrietta Maria to restrict protestant practice at her court, and the queen partially submitted, against the protests of her son. She had permission for John Cosin, chaplain to her English servants, to hold services in the Louvre, but he was now forced out and into the residence of the English ambassador, Sir Richard Browne. By the end of 1651 she was threatening to stop support to those of her servants who would not convert; several, such as Lady Denbigh, had already done so.

Henrietta Maria's regular retreats into the Carmelite convent since her arrival in Paris in 1644 no longer satisfied her need for a life half in and half out of the world, and she was drawn to the aristocratic Sisters of the Visitation, or Filles de Sainte Marie, at the rue St Antoine, introduced to her by Mme de Motteville. Her visits in 1651 developed into a plan to found a convent of the order, and she purchased a house at Chaillot formerly owned by Marshal Bassompierre, whom she had entertained as her brother's ambassador in 1626. The money to accomplish her endowment was raised by contributions from Anne of Austria and devout aristocratic friends. In June 1651 she installed a dozen nuns at Chaillot, several of whom became close friends; the queen regent attended the first high mass said at the convent. The queen soon began to spend weeks at a time at Chaillot, where she was visited by Anne and other courtiers. She discharged Lady Morton, Henriette Anne's protestant governess, and effectively moved the girl into the convent. She was given suitable courtly skills, but also a thorough Catholic instruction under the guidance of Father Cyprien.

The release from English captivity of Henrietta Maria's youngest son, Henry, duke of Gloucester, early in 1653 created a joyful anticipation in his mother, to whom he was rather reluctantly sent in June for what was intended to be a short visit. The apprehension felt by Princess Mary and by Charles II's councillors at the prospect of this visit was fully justified, as the queen did attempt to convert her son despite the prohibitions that had been reiterated by both her husband and her eldest son. There was a successful precedent for her effort; for in May 1645 she had helped engineer the marriage of her palatine nephew Edward to a Catholic heiress of Mantua, and his conversion to her religion. After a year in the company of her charming and attractive boy she resolved to win him over by the promise of preferment within the Catholic hierarchy such as was enjoyed by Lord Ludovick Stuart d'Aubigny, the king's (third) cousin and her future almoner. She began shortly after Charles left, encouraged by Anne of Austria and with the connivance of Percy and Jermyn. She tried to buy off the boy's protestant tutor, and enlisted Abbé Montagu to argue her son into submission and into entering the Jesuit college at Clermont. The abbé put it to the boy that a conversion would enable him to help his brother with the Catholic princes of Europe, while the king's councillors felt sure that all would be lost in England if this ploy succeeded.

Henry stubbornly resisted, and English protestants in Paris rushed to his support. The marquess of Ormond was sent to Paris by Charles with the king's letters to his brother, to his mother, and to her intimates, and with orders to remove Henry from France. This ended the episode, for neither the French court nor the queen mother could withstand his authority. Her final parting with her youngest son was bitter, she refusing him a word or a blessing as he prepared to leave with Ormond. She may have been sincere in protesting to Jermyn that he and his friends had assured her that the prince's conversion would do no political damage to the king. It was the end of any possible influence she might have wielded on Charles II.

A slow retreat from politics, 1655–1659

Alone in Paris in 1655, Henrietta Maria spent a good deal of the year in unhappy defensive manoeuvres. She had soured relations not only with Charles but also with most of her other relatives; she was in particularly poor health and remained so for the next few years despite annual trips to Bourbon. Although she, like her son, continued to seek Catholic aid, most of the avenues he explored bypassed the queen. Her agent would have been Montagu, and both he and Jermyn were distrusted as tools of Mazarin by Charles's advisers. So when the accession of a new pope, Alexander VII, in February 1655 revived hopes of a papal loan to finance Irish troops under the leadership of the duke of Lorraine, the desultory negotiations set on foot went through Spain, the duke of Neuburg, the priest Peter Talbot, or via Cardinal de Retz, with whom Charles could freely converse in Brussels.

It had been rumoured that the peace between Mazarin and Cromwell would require even Henrietta Maria and Henriette Anne to leave France, but in the end it was James who had to leave French service in summer 1656—his mother hoped vainly he might be employed by her sister Christine—for various places in the Low Countries, where he finally entered the Spanish service for the campaign of 1657. The reception of an English ambassador at the French court in May 1656 wounded her deeply. The only bright spot in these years was an extended visit from Princess Mary in 1656. Mary brought an array of jewellery with her, dazzled the French court with those and her good looks, and was splendidly entertained. She also brought with her Anne Hyde, who met the duke of York and instantly conquered him. Henrietta and Mary paid a visit in July to Mlle de Montpensier at her château of Chilly, and Mary, who hated Holland, was loath to leave Paris; only news of her son's illness finally forced her to return to The Hague in September.

Henrietta Maria had used the occasion of the Anglo-French accord to make Mazarin request the return of her dowry and personal possessions from England, but it is unlikely that anything was received. Instead she was granted some funds by the French clergy in 1657. Anne of Austria augmented her sister-in-law's pension from her own funds, enabling her to purchase a small château in Colombes, a village on the Seine 7 miles north-west of Paris. She decorated elegantly, as the nuns had not permitted her to array Chaillot; and from the latter part of 1657 she divided her time between the two houses. Early in 1658 she welcomed to Chaillot her niece Princess Louise of the Palatinate, a fugitive convert who had been invited to Paris by her Catholic brother Edward. Henrietta Maria helped Louise on to a Cistercian convent near Pontoise, where she became abbess. Her relations with Elizabeth of Bohemia, never very warm, became even chillier.

The death of Cromwell in September 1658, whom the queen referred to as 'ce selerat' ('that villain'; Lettres de Henriette-Marie, 430), did not seemingly arouse her to much emotion. Her daughter Mary's conflicts with her mother-in-law and with the Dutch anti-royalist party seem to have preoccupied her more, as did the plans of the French court to marry Louis XIV to Marguerite, daughter of her sister Christine of Savoy, rather than to her own Henriette Anne. Charles II settled in Brussels over the winter of 1658–9 to watch events across the channel. Sir John Reresby, visiting Paris, reported how Henrietta Maria (unlike her resentful daughter) defended her adopted land, praising the people of England for 'their courage, generosity, good nature; and would excuse all their miscarriages in relation to unfortunate effects of the late war, as if it were a convulsion of some desperate and infatuated persons' (Memoirs, ed. J. Cartwright, 1875, 43).

The Restoration

Henrietta Maria's projects seemed to be foundering in 1658 and 1659, and she was very much on the sidelines. Successive royalist risings in England failed, and the death of Cromwell made no immediate difference; her continuing efforts via Jermyn and Montagu to press Mazarin for assistance were fruitless. The prospects of her daughter Henriette Anne for a royal marriage, a pet idea with the two widowed queens, seemed crossed. But the long-sought Franco-Spanish peace was finally achieved, and the Savoy marriage project was abandoned for a match between Louis XIV and the Spanish infanta. The court left for the Spanish border, and Henrietta went into seclusion at Colombes for the rest of 1659. There her son Charles visited her for the first time in six years, wary of his mother's political initiatives but captivated by his much grown sister Henriette Anne. He yielded to a request for Jermyn, who was made earl of St Albans. The death of the queen's brother Gaston in February 1660 was a mixed sorrow; since the Fronde she had not been close to him, and his successor in the title of duke of Orléans, with its massive revenues, was Louis XIV's brother Philippe, whom she now wanted to marry Henriette Anne.

The rapid developments of 1660 took Henrietta Maria by surprise. She viewed the Restoration, for which she had so tirelessly worked and prayed, with amazed joy, scattering letters at her son as he made his way back to England in May and June 1660. To her sister she wrote, 'I hope yet to see before I die my whole family together and no longer vagabonds' (Lettres de Henriette-Marie, 433). She had a Te Deum said at Chaillot, and put on bonfires and a ball in Paris. Her own return to England was delayed by her plans for Henriette Anne; it was only when the French court returned from the long trip to Spain that it was possible to formalize Henriette Anne's betrothal to the new ‘Monsieur’. Henriette Anne's dowry would come from England. The girl had been educated by Father Cyprien, who published before her marriage a three-volume work, Exercises d'une ame royale, to prove her suitability for a Catholic royal marriage. The trip to England would permit the formal approval of the king of England for Henriette Anne's marriage, and the restoration of Henrietta Maria's own English revenues; it was propelled also by her concern over the marriage of her son James to Anne Hyde. Before she arrived in London at the end of October, she lost her youngest son, Henry, who had accompanied Charles to England, and whom she had not seen since their quarrel over his religion in 1654. He was taken by smallpox in September, and died aged twenty. Princess Mary died, probably of the same cause, on Christmas eve 1660, her mother having been kept from her deathbed by anxious physicians.

The first stay in England was short, full of emotional reunions; Henrietta Maria was met by her old friend Charlotte Stanley, née de la Trémouille, dowager countess of Derby, and stayed at Whitehall, as Somerset House was still too dilapidated. Samuel Pepys saw her at court, 'a very little plain old woman, and nothing more in her presence in any respect nor garb than any ordinary woman' (Diary, ed. Wheatley, 2 vols., 1946, 1.196). She left very soon after Mary's funeral, having at the last moment been reluctantly reconciled with James. Mazarin had urged her to conciliate the father of the new duchess of York, the same chancellor Hyde who would be managing the dowry and her own newly granted pension and jointure. Henriette Anne's wedding, a little delayed by Mazarin's death, took place on 21/31 March 1661 in the queen's chapel in the Palais Royal. Henrietta prepared slowly to move herself out of that palace and make a final return to England; in her absence her son was crowned (in April 1661) and married (in May 1662) to Catherine of Braganza. In spring 1662 she felt needed in France to oversee Henriette Anne's first pregnancy, and to mediate in what was quickly developing into a turbulent marriage. Henriette Anne had successive flirtations at court, a very jealous husband, and in the course of her short life numerous mainly unsuccessful pregnancies, only two girls living to adulthood. She died less than a year after Henrietta Maria.

In August 1662 Henrietta Maria returned to London with Charles's natural son James, later duke of Monmouth, for whom she had cared. She settled in Somerset House, with much of the same household that had been with her before the war and stayed with her through her exile: Jermyn, the Vantelet family, Sir Kenelm Digby, Sir John Wintour, the duchess of Richmond, Abbé Montagu, and a new complement of Capuchin chaplains. This began a three-year period of real happiness. She got along very well with her new daughter-in-law, Catherine of Braganza, whose agreeable and devout nature pleased her, the king, her son, was kind to her, and she enjoyed the ballets and other court entertainments. Pepys reported that her court was full of 'laughing and mirth' (Pepys, Diary, 1.538) and more frequented than that of the more austere Catherine. Her contemporaries continued to leave the scene; her sister Christine died in 1663, and her old friend Charlotte de la Trémouille the following year.

Henrietta Maria restored both the fabric of Somerset House—a new gallery was constructed after an earlier design by Inigo Jones—and its role as a centre for London Catholicism. The Capuchins once again presided over numerous and crowded masses, catechizing in both French and English, public lectures, marriages, and baptisms; the confraternity of the rosary was revived with processions and other pious exercises. One of the Capuchins provided the high altar with 'rare pieces of workmanship' (Gamaches, 458–9), arranging new chapel plate given her to replace what she had been forced to sell in 1649. Pepys was one of those who admired her new construction at Somerset House, calling it 'most stately and nobly furnished' (Pepys, Diary, 1.990); others directed hostile attention to her chapel activities: as in the 1630s, placards calling for the 'extirpation of popery' were posted at her palace.

Final years in France, 1665–1669

The English climate continued to give Henrietta Maria problems, possibly either bronchitis or a recurrence of tuberculosis, and she missed her daughter. In spring 1665, as the plague year was beginning, she left for France with Father Cyprien, the other Capuchins staying behind as had been done in 1642 with the injunction to continue Catholic proselytizing. In Paris she was granted a palace in the city, but Anne of Austria's death in 1665 lessened the appeal of the court. She spent her remaining years mainly at Chaillot and at Colombes, which she fitted with furnishings from Somerset House; the inventory taken after her death details the rich surroundings of these later years. Mme de Motteville was in frequent attendance on her, constructing the memoir of her life; she tells us that in her later years the queen read daily from De imitatione Christi, and when at Chaillot went to morning and evening prayers. She lived in these years as she had been raised, a queen but also a dévote.

After hostilities began between France and England early in 1666, Henrietta Maria was mentioned only infrequently in public sources, usually in connection with an attempt at mediation through her ministers. But Louis XIV seems to have consulted her more than once about the peace that was concluded in mid-1667. Her revenues from England had been hard to collect since this war began, and were formally reduced at the end of 1668; her last letters to Charles II were expostulations on this subject. She was ill throughout 1669, suffering from fevers and insomnia that the royal doctors could not mend; she died at Colombes early in the morning of 10 September 1669 ns, most probably of an opiate pressed upon the reluctant patient by a doctor several days before, and which she had finally agreed to take during that night. Her Capuchin Cyprien de Gamaches and St Albans were both at her deathbed; the household was full of servants who had served her for decades, including five of her bedchamber women who had been with her for forty years. The duchess of Richmond, her chief lady, had grown up at the queen's court in the 1630s and followed her back and forth across the channel ever since.

The settlement of the late queen's estate was tricky; no will was found, and her son-in-law Orléans had to be restrained from taking possession on behalf of his wife according to French law. Charles II prevailed but was generous; possessions at Chaillot were left to the convent, Colombes and its lands were given to Henriette Anne, the contents of Colombes were divided among Charles, Henriette Anne, and the queen's serving women. Louis XIV paid for the state funeral at St Denis, which followed the lying in state at Chaillot.

The queen's heart was interred on 16 November ns in the chapel of the Convent of the Visitation at Chaillot, where was preached the best-known of her funeral sermons, by Bishop Jacques Bossuet (Oraison funebre, Paris, 1669). He based it on a memoir specially written for his guidance by Mme de Motteville at the request of Henriette Anne. This sermon was translated into English by the secular priest Miles Pinckney (pseudonym Thomas Carre) and printed at Paris in 1670. Two other eulogies were printed: that delivered at the state funeral and interment in the abbey of St Denis on 20 November 1669 ns by François Faure, bishop of Amiens (Oraison funebre, Paris, 1670); and one delivered at Nôtre Dame on her birthday, 25 November, in the following year by the Oratorian Jean François Senault (Oraison funebre, Paris, 1670).

Reputation

The vicious and sustained parliamentary attacks on the queen in the 1640s had a lasting effect on her reputation. Her personal integrity and fidelity were questioned, first with rumours in 1641 that Henry Jermyn was her lover, and later with rumours that she had married him after the king's death. These were fed by Jermyn's unpopularity among royalist exiles in the 1650s and his influence after the Restoration, but had no basis in evidence or in her own character. Other elements of the parliamentary attacks, portraying her as a sinister, foreign, Catholic influence on the king, stuck more firmly. These views were reinforced by the royalist and post-Restoration need for a scapegoat, by the force of anti-Catholicism well into the modern era, and by an even more tenacious conservatism about the appropriate role of women in the political sphere. Thus, the king's supporters lamented with Clarendon that the king 'saw with her eyes and determined by her judgment' (E. Hyde, first earl of Clarendon, The Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon … Written by Himself, new edn, 3 vols., 1827, 1.185). The nineteenth-century biographer of Prince Rupert, with whom she had often been at odds, regarded her as fatal to the war effort, and described her influence as excluding 'all that was wise, or good, or truly noble, in the Court' (B. E. G. Warburton, Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers, 3 vols., 1849, 2.300). A twentieth-century historiographical tradition focusing on public institutions, and in particular on parliament, deflected attention from the ancien régime courts and from the serious analysis of politics in courtly, dynastic cultures. This made it difficult to assess the life and role of Henrietta Maria, or indeed of any queen consort.

A relatively sympathetic tradition began in the Restoration, a first biography in English by John Dauncey appearing in 1660, and a French biography by C. Cotolendi in 1690. The funeral sermons by Senault (1670) and Bossuet (1669) were published, the latter based on material provided by Mme de Motteville. All these works emphasized her piety and heroism, and the courage with which Henrietta Maria faced the tragedy of the king's execution. The tragic view of her life predominated when interest revived in the nineteenth century, epitomized in I. A. Taylor's The Life of Queen Henrietta Maria (1905) and continuing in a ‘queen of tears’ tradition well into the twentieth century. But the finely edited collection of her letters by M. A. E. Green (1857), together with the publication of the memoirs of Motteville and many other sources for the period, had laid the basis for modern biography. This began with the volume devoted to her in Agnes Strickland's Lives of the Queens of England (1857), and reached a high point in the sympathetic but balanced and deeply researched life by Carola Oman (1936).

Direct evidence about the queen's character and influence on the king is very meagre for the period before the war; but the flood of correspondence that passed between king and queen in the 1640s reveals a strong-minded, assertive, and focused political actor. Assertions about her frivolity in the preceding period should therefore be carefully weighed; this traditional picture derives largely from the reports of successive French ambassadors who were unable to enlist her full support for Richelieu's projects. Yet her very Frenchness gave added life to the impression of frivolity, and it was endorsed by most modern biographers in English. Alongside the references to her being reckless and intriguing, however, there has been increasing recognition of her courage and tenacity.

Sources

  • Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, ed. M. A. E. Green (1857)
  • CSP dom., 1625–49
  • CSP Venice, 1625–70
  • C. de Gamaches, ‘Memoirs of the mission in England of the Capuchin friars’, Court and times of Charles I, ed. T. Birch, 2 (1848)
  • The Nicholas papers, ed. G. F. Warner, 4 vols., CS, new ser., 40, 50, 57, 3rd ser., 31 (1886–1920)
  • Calendar of the Clarendon state papers preserved in the Bodleian Library, ed. O. Ogle and others, 1–4 (1869–1932)
  • S. R. Gardiner, History of England from the accession of James I to the outbreak of the civil war, 1603–1642, 10 vols. (1896–9)
  • C. Oman, Henrietta Maria (1936)
  • C. Hibbard, Charles I and the Popish Plot (1983) [incl. detailed bibliography on 1637–42]
  • JHC, 2–3 (1640–44)
  • G. Groen van Prinsterer, ed., Archives … de la maison d'Orange-Nassau, series 2, 1584–1688 (1857–61), vols. 3, 4
  • The manuscripts of his grace the duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry … preserved at Drumlanrig Castle, 2 vols., HMC, 44 (1897–1903), vol. 1, pp. 438–40
  • ‘Memoir by Madame de Motteville on the life of Henrietta Maria’, ed. M. G. Hanotaux, Camden miscellany, VIII, CS, new ser., 31 (1880), 1–31
  • E. Veevers, Images of love and religion: Queen Henrietta Maria and court entertainments (1989)
  • G. Albion, Charles I and the court of Rome (1935)
  • F. Bertaut de Motteville, Mémoires … sur Anne d'Autriche et sa cour, ed. M. F. Riaut, 1–4 (1904)
  • H. Haynes, Henrietta Maria (1912) [material from Chaillot and other French sources for the 1650s not used by other biographers]
  • Life and death of Henrietta Maria de Bourbon (1685)
  • A.-M.-L. d'Orléans, duchesse de Montpensier, Mémoires, ed. A. Cheruel, 4 vols. (Paris, 1858–9), vols. 1, 2
  • Letters of Elizabeth, queen of Bohemia, ed. L. M. Baker (1953)
  • G. Radcliffe, The earl of Strafforde's letters and dispatches, with an essay towards his life, ed. W. Knowler, 2 vols. (1739)
  • Report on Franciscan manuscripts preserved at the convent, Merchants' Quay, Dublin, HMC, 65 (1906)
  • King's cabinet opened (1645)
  • Lettres de Henriette-Marie de France … a sa soeur Christine, duchesse de Savoie, ed. H. Ferrero (1881)
  • Diary and correspondence of John Evelyn, ed. W. Bray, 4 vols. (1883–7), vols. 1, 2, and 4
  • Charles I in 1646: letters of King Charles the first to Queen Henrietta Maria, ed. J. Bruce, CS, 63 (1856)
  • C. de Baillon, Henriette-Marie de France … étude historique … suivie de ses lettres inédites (1877)

Archives

  • Archives du Ministère des Relations Extérieures, Quai d'Orsay, Paris
  • Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, childhood letters, fonds français, MS 3818
  • BL, Harley MS 7879
  • BL, letters to Charles I, Egerton MS 2691
  • BL, letters to marquess of Newcastle, Harley MS 6988
  • BL, letters to Silius Titus, Egerton MS 1533
  • Bodl. Oxf., letters to Charles I
  • LPL, letters to Charles II, MS 645
  • NA Scot., letters to marquess of Montrose
  • NL Wales, Wynnstay MSS, household records
  • Sheff. Arch., letters to earl of Strafford
  • TNA: PRO, state papers, France, SP 78
  • TNA: PRO, signed establishment books for her household, LR 5/57, 63

Likenesses

  • F. Pourbus the younger, oils, 1611, Uffizi Gallery, Florence; repro. in R. K. Marshall, Henrietta Maria: the intrepid queen (1990), 10
  • G. van Honthorst, oils, 1628, Royal Collection; repro. in Veevers, Images, 151
  • W. J. Delff, line engraving, 1630 (after D. Mytens), BM, NPG
  • D. Mytens, oils, 1630–1632, Royal Collection; repro. in O. Millar, The Tudor, Stuart and early Georgian pictures in the collection of her majesty the queen (1963), pl. 59
  • J. Hoskins the elder, miniature, watercolour on vellum, 1632, Royal Collection; repro. in O. Millar, Age of Charles I: painting in England, 1620–1649 (1972), cover [exhibition catalogue, Tate Gallery, London, 15 Nov 1972 – 14 Jan 1975]
  • D. Mytens, oils, 1632, Royal Collection; repro. in O. Millar, The Tudor, Stuart and early Georgian pictures in the collection of her majesty the queen (1963), pl. 58
  • D. Mytens, or studio of Van Dyck, oils, 1632, State House, Annapolis, Maryland
  • H. G. Pot, group portrait, oils, 1632, Royal Collection; repro. in O. Millar, Age of Charles I: painting in England, 1620–1649 (1972), no. 83 [exhibition catalogue, Tate Gallery, London, 15 Nov 1972 – 14 Jan 1975]
  • A. Van Dyck, group portrait, oils, 1632, Royal Collection; repro. in O. Millar, The Tudor, Stuart and early Georgian pictures in the collection of her majesty the queen (1963), pl. 66
  • A. Van Dyck, oils, 1632, Royal Collection [see illus.]
  • A. Van Dyck, oils, 1633, National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC; repro. in C. Brown and others, Van Dyck, 1599–1641 (1999), pl. 67 [exhibition catalogue, Antwerp and London, 15 May – 10 Dec 1999]
  • J. Hoskins the elder, miniature watercolour on vellum, 1635, Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore, Maryland
  • oils, 1635, NPG
  • A. Van Dyck, oils, 1636, Wrightsman Collection, New York; repro. in O. Millar, Age of Charles I: painting in England, 1620–1649 (1972), 62 [exhibition catalogue, Tate Gallery, London, 15 Nov 1972 – 14 Jan 1975]
  • studio of A. Van Dyck, oils, 1636, Royal Collection
  • A. Van Dyck, oils, 1637–1638, The Hermitage, St Petersburg, Russia
  • A. Van Dyck, oils, 1638, Royal Collection; repro. in O. Millar, The Tudor, Stuart and early Georgian pictures in the collection of her majesty the queen (1963), pl. 68
  • A. Van Dyck, oils, 1638, Brooks Memorial Art Gallery, Memphis, Tennessee; repro. in C. Brown and others, Van Dyck, 1599–1641 (1999), pl. 92 [exhibition catalogue, Antwerp and London, 15 May – 10 Dec 1999]
  • F. Dieussart, marble bust, 1640, Rosenborg Slot, Copenhagen; repro. in O. Millar, Age of Charles I: painting in England, 1620–1649 (1972), 126 [exhibition catalogue, Tate Gallery, London, 15 Nov 1972 – 14 Jan 1975]
  • C. le Febvre, oils, 1649 (The widow of the martyr), repro. in Oman, Henrietta Maria, 307
  • P. Lely, oils, 1660, Musée Condé, Chantilly
  • H. David, line engraving, BM, NPG
  • W. Hollar, print (after A. Van Dyck), NPG
  • H. Le Sueur, bronze statue, St John's College, Oxford
  • F. Pourbus the younger, oils (Henrietta, aged about eight), Uffizi Gallery, Florence; repro. in R. K. Marshall, Henrietta Maria: the intrepid queen (1990), 18
  • A. Van Dyck, oils, Audley End House, Essex
  • medals, BM
  • mezzotint (after A. Van Dyck), BM, NPG
  • oils (after A. Van Dyck), Marble Hill House, London
  • pastel drawing, Audley End House, Essex
  • print (Henrietta Maria as a widow), BM; repro. in A. Plowden, Henrietta Maria (2001)

Wealth at Death

goods and furnishings (many valuable)

Historical Manuscripts Commission
Journals of the House of Commons
E. Hyde, earl of Clarendon, , 6 vols. (1888); repr. (1958); repr. (1992)
R. Brown, H. F. Brown, & A. B. Hinds, eds., (1864–1947)
Camden Society