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  Philip Henry Kerr (1882–1940), by Howard Coster, 1935 Philip Henry Kerr (1882–1940), by Howard Coster, 1935
Kerr, Philip Henry, eleventh marquess of Lothian (1882–1940), writer and politician, was born in London on 18 April 1882, the eldest of five surviving children (an elder sister, b. 1880, died in infancy) of Lord Ralph Drury Kerr (1837–1916), army officer, and his wife, Lady Anne (c.1857–1931), youngest daughter of . Kerr's father, the third son of the seventh marquess of Lothian, enjoyed a distinguished army career, mainly in India, but also, from 1891 to 1896, as major-general commanding the Curragh. After his retirement, in 1898, the family settled at Woodburn, a dower house on the Lothian family estate of Newbattle, near Edinburgh. Kerr enjoyed a happy childhood with his three younger sisters, Cecil (1883–1941), Margaret (1884–1962), and Minna (1887–1963), and his brother, David (1893–1914). He was closer to his mother, who was twenty years younger than his father, but the latter deserved as well as demanded his children's respect.

Both Kerr's parents were devout Roman Catholics. It was therefore natural that in September 1892, after private education, he should be sent to Cardinal Newman's foundation, the Oratory School, at Edgbaston. The headmaster, the Revd Dr John Norris, a portly figure ‘with a round beaming countenance and the infectious gurgling laughter of a happy child’ (Butler, 3), was a frequent visitor to Woodburn. For many years Kerr believed he had a vocation to be a priest, but religious doubts had already surfaced by the time he entered New College, Oxford, in October 1900. They were exacerbated by his conversation and reading (particularly of George Bernard Shaw) there. At one point he thought of joining the army (the South African War was then at its height), but he was persuaded otherwise by his parents. His tutors at New College, R. S. Rait and H. A. L. Fisher, were a keen influence on him; with Fisher he maintained a lifelong correspondence and friendship. In 1904 he gained a first-class degree in modern history, but he was an unsuccessful candidate for a fellowship at All Souls College later that year.

South Africa and the Round Table

South Africa was still very much on Kerr's mind when he came to consider what to do after leaving Oxford, although his thoughts had now turned from joining the army to securing some civilian post in the reconstruction of the former Boer republics. He was undeterred by John Buchan's advice, through Rait, that ‘an appointment to the new colonies will be valuable as an apprenticeship in the work of administration, but that it does not offer, in itself, any brilliant future’ (R. S. Rait to Lord Ralph Kerr, 26 June 1903, Lothian MSS, GD 40/17/453, fol. 3). Fortuitously, Sir Arthur Lawley, lieutenant-governor of the Transvaal, had served under Lord Ralph Kerr in the 10th hussars, and readily agreed to offer Kerr a post as his assistant private secretary and aide-de-camp. Kerr arrived in Pretoria in February 1905. He remained on Lawley's staff for only two months before Robert Brand, whom Kerr had known at Oxford, took him on as assistant secretary to the inter-colonial council and railway committee of the four South African colonies in April 1905. He was also secretary to the standing committee on the South African constabulary from December 1905, and secretary to the indigency commission from September 1906. Kerr served directly under Milner for only a week before the latter returned to England, to be succeeded by Lord Selborne. Nevertheless, he became a central figure in ‘’, which took on a new life after the departure of Milner himself.

Kerr took part in all the discussions that led to Lionel Curtis's drafting of the ‘Selborne memorandum’, and he wrote a long appendix, ‘South African railway unification’, which was published with it as a state paper (Parl. papers, 1907, 57, Cd 3564) in 1907. After the publication of the memorandum, Kerr was persuaded by Curtis to leave the inter-colonial council to edit a new monthly journal, The State, which was to be published in both English and Dutch, and which was to support the Closer Union societies in their campaign for the unification of the South African colonies. The first issue appeared in December 1908, by which time a national convention was already at work devising a constitution with the support of the four governments. Under Kerr's editorship, The State applauded the speed of South African unification and attempted to convey the idea of a distinctive white South African identity. It carried articles by W. Westhofen on the artist Gwelo Goodman, Herbert Baker on Cape Dutch architecture, and Lord Selborne on ‘the native problem’. Kerr resigned the editorship in June 1909, handing over to B. K. Long and returning to England on the same boat as the delegates carrying the Bill of Union to Westminster.

Kerr's initial inclination was to attempt to stand for parliament, and in April 1909 he wrote to his father asking him to see Balfour and ‘remind him of Uncle Schomberg [Schomberg Henry Kerr, ninth marquess of Lothian, secretary of state for Scotland, 1887–92] and the family connections’ (Kerr to Lord Ralph Kerr, 4 April 1909, Lothian MSS, GD 40/17/458, fol. 18). Nevertheless, he was once again overborne by Curtis, who persuaded him to become the editor of a new quarterly journal of imperial and international affairs, the Round Table. (Kerr was in fact offered the Unionist candidacy at Midlothian in April 1910, but turned it down.) The Round Table was to accompany the creation by Curtis of a network of ‘discussion groups’ throughout the self-governing parts of the empire. Curtis, Kerr, and their associates were at this stage all convinced of the need for imperial federation—the reconstruction of the imperial government as a body representative of the dominions (as they were called after 1907) as well as of Britain—but it was agreed that the journal in particular should not at first ‘come out flat-footed’ in favour of federation (May, 77). The details of the plan were agreed in September 1909, and Kerr was appointed editor at £1000 p.a. Soon after, he, Curtis, and William Marris were sent on a fact-finding tour of Canada. The experience had opposite effects on Curtis and Kerr. Curtis was more than ever convinced of the need for immediate federation; Kerr was impressed by the need for caution.

The first issue of the Round Table appeared in November 1910, with a long article by Kerr entitled ‘Anglo-German rivalry’ and contributions from other members of the Round Table network. Kerr was to remain editor, with interruptions, until December 1916, but he continued thereafter to contribute anonymous articles (all Round Table articles were anonymous until 1966) on a variety of imperial and international questions. Most were lucid and persuasive, although many were sometimes also long-winded. During his time as editor his views changed significantly, both on the need for and practicability of imperial federation, and on what, following the terminology of the time, he described as the relations between ‘advanced’ and ‘backward’ peoples. Southern and eastern Africa were always for him (as for other members of the Round Table) a blind spot. Nevertheless, Kerr soon came to recognize the need for the gradual extension of representative government in Britain's other imperial dependencies. It was he who, in 1912, initiated the Round Table discussions on India which resulted in Curtis's ‘principle of the Commonwealth’.

Kerr's advocacy of more rapid moves towards Indian self-government was prompted by discussions with Marris and other progressive officials in India itself, which he visited as part of a lengthy world tour designed to broaden his understanding of international affairs. He returned in August 1912, exhausted, depressed, and suffering from a painful crisis of religious belief. His friends Robert Brand, F. S. Oliver, and Edward Grigg agreed to look after the Round Table while he sought a cure from Sir Bertrand Dawson. The latter recommended that Kerr rest at a variety of sanatoria and resorts in Europe. At one, St Moritz, he renewed an acquaintance with Waldorf and Nancy Astor, whom he had met at Hatfield through Lady Selborne. The friendship thus kindled was profoundly to affect the course of his life. Nancy Astor converted to Christian Science towards the end of 1913; she was followed by Kerr and her husband. Kerr did not officially become a member of a Christian Science church until 1923: partly because he knew his apostasy would be painful for his mother, but partly also because he was not yet himself entirely convinced.

Kerr returned to the editorship of the Round Table in July 1914, a month before the outbreak of the First World War. His immediate instinct was to enlist. He was persuaded otherwise by Curtis and his colleagues. The death in action of his younger brother, David (a lieutenant in the Royal Scots), in October 1914 affected him badly, and increased the pressure from his parents not to serve. He was eventually called up after the introduction of national service in January 1916, but his Round Table colleagues persuaded the tribunal to exempt him on the grounds that editing the Round Table was a vital contribution to the war effort. In later years, Kerr's opponents on the right wing of British politics (notably Violet, Lady Milner, editor of the National Review, 1932–48) portrayed him as a shirker. This charge he found deeply wounding. Under his wartime editorship, the Round Table reached the apogee of its circulation (some 13,000 in September 1914); many articles were reprinted as pamphlets for distribution in the United States and other neutral countries. Kerr's were among those most frequently reprinted, providing a cogent analysis of the war's origins, but also a credible set of war aims.

Lloyd George's secretary

Kerr was a frequent attender of meetings of the ‘Ginger Group’ or ‘Monday Night Cabal’ instituted by Leo Amery in January 1916 to co-ordinate Unionist opposition to the Asquith government and build links with potential Liberal rebels. The Ginger Group brought together Milner and Lloyd George. It was largely through Milner's influence that in December 1916 Kerr was appointed an additional private secretary to the prime minister, Lloyd George, and a member of his ‘Garden Suburb’. This latter bureaucratic innovation was by no means universally welcomed. H. W. Massingham criticized the appointment of ‘a little body of illuminati, whose residence is in the Prime Minister's garden, and their business to cultivate the Prime Minister's mind’. He attacked Kerr in particular, as ‘Narcissus’, charged with ‘rapidly assimilating the popular ideas or tendencies of the day, and presenting them to his chief, as it were, in concentrated pellets’ (The Nation, 24 Feb 1917). Kerr's initial responsibility was for labour questions, but he was soon given responsibility for imperial and foreign affairs. His primary duty was to summarize and advise on the large quantity of documents submitted to the prime minister by other parts of the government machine, but he was increasingly called upon to act as Lloyd George's adviser and intermediary. His influence on Lloyd George's policy on such matters as war aims, relations with the dominions, and the development of schemes for a League of Nations was considerable. His activities gave rise to considerable resentment—notably from Winston Churchill, whose schemes for larger-scale allied intervention against Bolshevik Russia Kerr indignantly scotched, and from Balfour and Curzon, who felt that their authority as foreign secretaries was undermined by Kerr's role as a ‘second Foreign Office’. Kerr, Curzon later noted, ‘was a most unsafe and insidious intermediary, being full both of ability and guile. He was the chosen agent of most of his master's intrigues’ (Turner, Larger Idea, 55).

Kerr remained Lloyd George's private secretary (his sole private secretary after December 1918) until March 1921. As such, he was well placed to help his friend Curtis to influence the Montagu–Chelmsford reforms in India, and himself to influence Lloyd George's European policy in the series of international conferences which followed Versailles. He resigned as Lloyd George's secretary (to be succeeded by Grigg) in order to become managing editor of the Daily Chronicle and a director of United Newspapers Ltd, which Lloyd George controlled. He remained in that position only until February 1922, when he resigned in order to concentrate on other activities. Nevertheless, he remained a Lloyd George Liberal until 1931 and a Liberal for the rest of his life. He was made a Companion of Honour in 1920, one of the first of the order. He liked to say that he had been present ‘when the idea was contrived by George Nathaniel Curzon, who used to say that one of the principal ways of winning the war was to satisfy the insatiable appetite of the British public for Honours’ (Butler, 248).

One of Kerr's reasons for departing from Lloyd George's service was to devote more time to religious study. By 1922 he was ‘convinced that Christian Science is the real key to all our problems, political and economic, no less than personal’ (Kerr to Curtis, 28 May 1922, Lothian MSS, GD 40/17/18, fol. 190). In September 1923 he formally applied for membership of the First Church of Christ, Scientist, in London; from that point on his faith in the teachings of Mrs Eddy rarely wavered.

Liberal and federalist

After leaving the Daily Chronicle, Kerr supported himself by journalism (for the Christian Science Monitor and other papers) and by lecture tours of the United States. He turned down the offer of the Unionist candidacy for Roxburghshire—‘I don't think the old associations would approve of my views at all’ (Kerr to Lady Anne Kerr, 3 Oct 1922, Lothian MSS, GD 40/17/467, fol. 26)—and of the foreign editorship of The Times, but in July 1925 he was persuaded to take on the secretaryship of the Rhodes Trust. He remained in this post until April 1939, at a salary of £2000 p.a. and with a large office at Seymour House, Waterloo Place, London. His appointment resulted in Rudyard Kipling's resignation as a trustee: the latter, like many others on the right wing of British politics, held Kerr personally culpable for the empire's retreat in India, and later Ireland and Egypt. With an Oxford secretary (Sir Francis Wylie until 1931, Sir Carleton Allen thereafter) to look after the welfare of Rhodes scholars, Kerr's responsibilities were for the general management of the trust; relations with universities, selection committees, and alumni throughout the empire/Commonwealth and the United States; and the disbursement of funds other than those allocated to the Rhodes scholarships.

Kerr's work enabled him to travel widely, and particularly in the United States, which he enjoyed. He liked the informality of America—when staying with friends it was ‘certainly the simple life—no servants and we all eat in the kitchen!’ (Kerr to Lady Anne Kerr, 12 April 1922, Lothian MSS, GD 40/17/467, fol. 7)—but he was also convinced that Anglo-American co-operation held the key to the future of the empire/Commonwealth and the stability of international relations. As he told Curtis in 1927, he had not forgotten their earlier vision of imperial federation; but he believed that the First World War ‘has brought a much larger idea, the integration of the English-speaking world, also on an organic basis, within the realm of practical possibilities’ (Kerr to Curtis, 26 May 1927, Lothian MSS, GD 40/17/227, fols. 156–7).

Kerr devoted much of his time between the wars to developing and expounding an analysis of international relations illustrating federalist principles—most eloquently in his Burge memorial lecture, published as Pacifism is not Enough, nor Patriotism either (1935). At the heart of his analysis was a theory of the state which owed more to Hobbes than to Proudhon. In his view the only remedy for international anarchy was an international commonwealth, just as in the Wild West the only remedy for disorder was the law. Kerr believed that an international commonwealth would only come about slowly, via the division of the world into a few great blocs. He further believed that an Anglo-American bloc would prove to be the cornerstone of an eventual world commonwealth. Throughout the inter-war years he was a fervent advocate of greater understanding and closer co-operation between Britain and America; but even on this more prosaic level he was, for many of those years, a voice crying in the wilderness.

Kerr was also prominent, although again without any real success, in the industrial fellowship movement of the 1920s, advocating a diluted form of guild socialism, a partnership between employers and trade unions in the management of industry. He was a member of the Liberal industrial inquiry which produced Lloyd George's ‘yellow book’ of 1928; but it was Keynes's rather than Kerr's ideas which were dominant. The fundamental implausibility of Kerr's ideas was exposed by Keynes: ‘My real difficulty lies in the impracticability, or uselessness, of inscribing pious ideals on a political banner of a kind which could not possibly be embodied in legislation’ (Keynes to Kerr, 31 Aug 1927, Lothian MSS, GD 40/17/229, fol. 320).

On 16 March 1930 Kerr succeeded his cousin Robert Schomberg Kerr as marquess of Lothian, earl of Ancram, earl of Lothian, viscount of Briene, Lord Ker of Newbattle, Lord Jedburgh, and Baron Ker of Kersheugh. He inherited four magnificent houses: Ferniehirst Castle, near Jedburgh, Roxburghshire; Monteviot, the other side of Jedburgh; Newbattle Abbey, on the banks of the Esk, near Dalkeith; and Blickling Hall, Aylsham, Norfolk. His title and the wealth associated with it were useful for Lothian. Nevertheless, he wore his nobility lightly. He was popularly remembered for arriving for the coronation of George VI in a battered Austin Seven. Most of his estates were dilapidated when he inherited them, but he was able to sell enough treasures from the Blickling library and the Newbattle house both to cover death duties and to initiate an extensive programme of renovation at Blickling and (after the death of his aunt Victoria, widow of the ninth marquess of Lothian, in 1938) Monteviot. Ferniehirst Castle was loaned to the Youth Hostels Association, while (with funds from the Carnegie Foundation) Newbattle Abbey was turned into an adult education college, managed by a trust representing the universities of Glasgow and Edinburgh. He was remembered at Blickling and Monteviot as a fair employer and a generous patron, although he was sometimes also criticized for his aloofness.

In November 1930 Lothian was one of the four Liberal delegates to the first Round Table Conference on India. In August 1931 he was brought into the National Government, first as chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, then, from November 1931, as under-secretary of state at the India Office. He played an important role in the genesis of what would become the Government of India Act of 1935. As chairman of the franchise committee, he recommended the franchise which, with slight modifications, was introduced in 1935, increasing the Indian electorate from 7 to 37 million. He remained committed to free trade, and in September 1932 followed Herbert Samuel and other Liberal colleagues out of government in protest at the Ottawa agreements which introduced imperial preference. Nevertheless, he remained closely involved in matters relating to the Indian reforms, as a member of the second and third Round Table Conferences and the joint select committee on the Government of India Bill. After the passage of the reforms he undertook a number of missions to India to seek ways of accommodating the nationalist movement; he stayed with Gandhi in his ashram, and Nehru and his daughter Indira Gandhi were his guests at Blickling.


Lothian's vision was firmly set on the ‘English-speaking peoples’: the empire, gradually evolving into a Commonwealth of equal and self-governing nations, and the United States, which had shown by its withdrawal from the League of Nations how reluctant it was to be drawn into the disputes of the ‘Old World’. He believed that Britain was not a part of Europe: she had a distinct history and a separate destiny. He thought that Europe should be united, but without Britain. ‘I venture to prophesy that within a decade or two mankind will be organised in four or five great entities’, he wrote in April 1935. ‘The real question is whether that is going to be done by conquest and empire or by voluntary federation’ (Lothian to J. A. Spender, 30 April 1935, Lothian MSS, GD 40/17/296, fols. 728–9). Lothian's detachment from Europe was increased by his belief that Germany had been treated unnecessarily harshly by the treaty of Versailles. A number of contemporaries believed that he was later motivated by ‘guilt’, since he had drafted many of the Versailles clauses; but he tried on many occasions during the Versailles conference to persuade Lloyd George to insist on more moderate terms. His sympathy for Germany was enlarged by the belief that France had acted unreasonably both during and after the conference.

After 1919, Lothian was a consistent advocate of the revision of the treaty of Versailles. In the 1920s he was largely ignored. In the 1930s he was prominent and eventually notorious as an ‘appeaser’, who suggested that Hitler would only start to behave more reasonably—later, that Hitler would only begin to lose the support of the German people—if his reasonable demands were met. For Lothian, those that were reasonable were the ending of the punitive clauses of the treaty; the assimilation of German-speaking areas into Germany where plebiscites showed themselves in favour; and the creation of ‘a sort of Ottawa economic mitteleuropa’ (Lothian to J. Smuts, 16 March 1937, Lothian MSS, GD 40/17/333, fol. 880). He was not in favour of the restitution of Germany's forfeited colonies. In January 1935 (and again in May 1937) he met Hitler in Germany and returned to pronounce himself convinced that ‘Germany does not want war and is prepared to renounce it absolutely … provided she is given real equality’ (The Times, 31 Jan 1935). When Hitler reoccupied the Rhineland in March 1936, Lothian was widely reported as saying that the Germans were only occupying ‘their own back garden’ (Butler, 213). At the time of the Imperial Conference in May 1937, Lothian was particularly active in encouraging the dominion premiers to state their support for a policy of British disengagement from Europe. Popularly, Lothian was closely associated with the policy of appeasement. David Low portrayed him as one of the ‘Shiver Sisters’ dancing to Hitler's tune (the others being Nancy Astor, Geoffrey Dawson, and J. L. Garvin), and Claud Cockburn identified him as a key member of the . Lothian was increasingly uneasy with the policy. During the Sudeten crisis he wrote to Halifax to urge him to make clear that Britain would side with Czechoslovakia if Germany resorted to force; at the time of Munich he feared another ‘Hoare–Laval Plan’ (ibid., 225). Nevertheless, it was only after the invasion of the rump Czech state in March 1939 that he finally realized ‘that Hitler is in effect a fanatical gangster who will stop at nothing to beat down all possibility of resistance anywhere to his will’ (ibid., 227). Following his family motto, Sero sed serio (‘Late but in earnest’), he then set about energetically calling for a ‘grand alliance’ against aggression.

Ambassador to Washington

By the summer of 1938 Sir Ronald Lindsay had been British ambassador in Washington for more than eight years, and Halifax's thoughts turned to replacing him with someone more ‘of the Bryce type’ (Turner, Larger Idea, 93). In August he approached Lothian, who readily agreed; the appointment was announced in April 1939. ‘When I read the announcement yesterday’, the veteran American journalist Walter Lippmann wrote, ‘it suddenly seemed as if it could not have been anyone else’ (ibid., 93). Lothian had aristocratic charm, but democratic ideals; he loved America, and had travelled through it extensively; he had a wide range of contacts, in government, the universities, and journalism; and he was adept at the art of presentation. His appointment was criticized by Americans who identified him with appeasement; by others who suspected that he would use his guile to induce Americans to fight for the preservation of the British empire; and by many Foreign Office officials who suspected, rightly, that Lothian would be difficult to control.

Lothian arrived in Washington on 29 August 1939, and presented his credentials at the White House on 30 August. Four days later, Britain was at war. Lothian maintained a dignified silence only for a short while, before embarking on a series of speeches, broadcasts, and interviews, in which he set out Britain's case. Behind the scenes he played an important role in negotiating the destroyers-for-bases deal of September 1940. In October he returned to Britain for talks, to be invested as a knight of the Thistle, and to persuade Churchill to set out candidly Britain's war needs. At a press conference held on his return to La Guardia airport on 23 November he forced Churchill's hand by admitting, as reported by Sir John Wheeler-Bennett, ‘Well, boys, Britain's broke; it's your money we want’ (Butler, 307). Lothian's indiscretion caused a sharp fall in international confidence in sterling and played into the hands of German propaganda, but it had its desired effect. On 8 December Churchill wrote to Roosevelt listing Britain's needs. Lothian did not live to see Lend-Lease come into existence, as it did in March 1941. On 7 December he was taken ill, with toxic poisoning arising from a uraemic infection. Following his Christian Science beliefs, he refused ordinary medicine and was attended by a Christian Science practitioner. He died at the British embassy on the morning of 12 December 1940. He was accorded a state funeral in Washington Cathedral the following Sunday, 15 December. His ashes were deposited at the national cemetery, Arlington, for the duration of the war, and were finally laid to rest at Jedburgh Abbey, Roxburghshire, in December 1945. In his will, Lothian left Newbattle Abbey to the Scottish universities and Blickling Hall, with 4500 acres, to the National Trust (having instigated a change in the law in 1938 to enable a reluctant trust to accept large country estates as well as houses: a stimulant to an important development of National Trust objectives). He was succeeded as twelfth marquess by his cousin, Peter Francis Walter Kerr (1922–2004), who also inherited the Monteviot estate.

Tall, fair-haired, always rumpled but never dishevelled, Lothian was an attractive figure. ‘Most women fall in love with him sooner or later, as far as my experience goes’, Brand wrote (p. 236). He never married. Muriel O'Sullivan, his secretary at Blickling, observed that
women had an unusual place in his life … The religion in which he was brought up makes of a woman the Queen of Heaven and the refuge of sinners. In later life he became a convert to a religion founded by a woman.
In her view, ‘he did not seem dependent on the companionship of men in the way that the society of women seemed essential to his well-being’ (O'Sullivan). He was close to his mother until her death, and to his sisters until his own. Among his many friendships, that with Nancy Astor was perhaps the strongest. He was a keen tennis player and an expert golfer. (He built a golf course for the villagers of Aylsham in the grounds of Blickling Hall, but it was dug up for vegetables during the Second World War.) Despite his inner uncertainties, he exuded charm and self-confidence. Thomas Jones remarked that he conveyed ‘a fallacious lucidity of one who had done the thinking and resolved the difficulties for you’; Sir Robert Vansittart described him as ‘an incurably superficial Johnny-know-all’ (May, 56). A trait which was remarked upon by many of those who knew him best was his fundamental impressionability. It was said of talking to him that one had the strange sensation of talking to the last person he had talked to. His posthumous reputation was severely damaged by his association with the policy of appeasement, and many works published in the 1950s and 1960s made scathing references to him. Later historians have tended on this question to be more charitable, but also to emphasize the significance of his contribution in other areas. Curiously, perhaps, his federalist writings have tended to attract most interest in Italy, after a consignment of his books and pamphlets was smuggled into the prison-island of Ventotene during the Second World War. Largely through the efforts of Altiero Spinelli and his fellow prisoners, Lothian's writings on international relations have been reinterpreted as founding texts of the European federalist movement.

Alex May


NA Scot., Lothian MSS · DNB · WWW · Burke, Peerage · The Times (13 Dec 1940) · The Times (14 Dec 1940) · The Times (16 Dec 1940) · The Times (18 Dec 1940) · The Times (20 Dec 1940) · The Times (24 Dec 1940) · The Times (27 Dec 1940) · The Times (10 Jan 1941) · [E. Grigg], ‘Philip Kerr, marquess of Lothian’, Round Table, 31 (1941), 197–221 · [Lord Brand], ‘Philip Kerr: some personal memories’, Round Table, 50 (1960), 234–43 · M. O'Sullivan, notes on the late Lord Lothian, typescript, 1949, Bodl. Oxf. · J. R. M. Butler, Lord Lothian (1960) · J. Turner, ed., The larger idea: Lord Lothian and the problem of national sovereignty (1988) · G. Guderzo, ed., Lord Lothian: una vita per la pace (1986) · A. Bosco, Lord Lothian, un pioniere del federalismo (1989) · D. Reynolds, Lord Lothian and Anglo-American relations, 1939–1940 (1983) · P. A. Smith, ‘Lord Lothian and British foreign policy, 1918–39’, MA diss., Carleton University, 1968 · J. Pinder, ‘Prophet not without honour: Lothian and the federal idea’, Round Table, 72 (1983), 207–20 · J. Pinder and A. Bosco, ‘Introduction: Lothian's contribution to the federal idea’, in Pacifism is not enough: collected lectures and speeches of Lord Lothian (1990), 5–36 · J. E. Kendle, The Round Table movement and imperial union (1975) · W. Nimocks, Milner's young men: the Kindergarten in Edwardian imperial affairs (1968) · H. V. Hodson, ‘The Round Table, 1910–81’, Round Table, 71 (1981), 308–33 · A. C. May, ‘The Round Table, 1910–1966’, DPhil diss., U. Oxf., 1995 · A. Bosco and A. May, eds., The Round Table movement, the empire/Commonwealth and British foreign policy (1997) · C. Quigley, The Anglo-American establishment: from Rhodes to Cliveden (1981) · R. Symonds, Oxford and empire: the last lost cause? (1986) · J. Turner, Lloyd George's secretariat (1980) · D. Reynolds, The creation of the Anglo-American alliance, 1937–41 (1981) · P. B. Rich, Race and empire in British politics (1986)


Bodl. Oxf., Round Table corresp. · JRL, Manchester Guardian archives, letters to the Manchester Guardian · NA Scot., corresp. and papers, 6D 40/17 · TNA: PRO, papers relating to visit to Berlin 1937, CAB 21/543 |  BL, corresp. with Arthur James Balfour, Add. MS 49797, passim · BL, corresp. with Albert Mansbridge, Add. MS 65253 · BL OIOC, memorandum and letters from J. S. Meston, MSS Eur. F 136 · BL OIOC, letters to John, first Viscount Simon, MSS Eur. F 77 · Bodl. Oxf., corresp. with Lionel Curtis · Bodl. Oxf., Geoffrey Dawson MSS · Bodl. Oxf., corresp. with H. A. L. Fisher · Bodl. Oxf., Lionel Hichens MSS · Bodl. Oxf., Gilbert Murray MSS · Bodl. Oxf., corresp. with Sir Horace Rumbold · Bodl. Oxf., corresp. with John, first Viscount Simon · Bodl. Oxf., letters to E. J. Thompson · Bodl. Oxf., Alfred Zimmern MSS · Bodl. RH, Baron Brand MSS · Bodl. RH, corresp. with J. H. Oldham · Bodl. RH, corresp. with Margery Perham and related papers · CUL, corresp. with Sir Samuel Hoare · NA Scot., corresp. with A. J. Balfour · NL Scot., F. S. Oliver MSS · NL Wales, corresp. with Thomas Jones · Parl. Arch., corresp. with David, first Earl Lloyd-George · Parl. Arch., corresp. with Herbert Samuel · PRONI, corresp. with Lord Dufferin · Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Edward Grigg MSS · U. Reading L., corresp. with Nancy Astor · U. Reading L., corresp. with Waldorf, second Viscount Astor · University of Cape Town Library, corresp. with Patrick Duncan · University of Cape Town Library, corresp. with C. J. Sibbett · Women's Library, London, corresp. with Eleanor Rathbone  



BFINA, documentary footage · BFINA, news footage


W. Stoneman, photograph, 1921, NPG · H. Coster, photograph, 1935, NPG [see illus.] · death-mask, 1940, NPG · J. Gunn, oils, 1943, Bodl. RH · F. de B. Footner, watercolour, Blickling Hall, Norfolk · photograph, repro. in The Times (13 Dec 1940) · photograph, repro. in Sunday Times (22 Dec 1940) · portraits, repro. in Butler, Lord Lothian · portraits, Blickling Hall, Norfolk

Wealth at death  

£464,199 17s. 6d.: confirmation, 12 Dec 1941, CCI · gave Blickling Hall to National Trust, and Newbattle Abbey to Combined Scottish Universities