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Harrison, Thomas (bap. 1616, d. 1660), parliamentarian army officer and regicide, was baptized on 16 July 1616 in Newcastle under Lyme, Staffordshire, the second of four children and the only son of Richard Harrison (bap. 1587, d. 1653), butcher, burgess, and four times mayor of the town, and his wife, Mary. He was probably educated at a local grammar school, and then became a clerk to an attorney of Clifford's Inn.

The first civil war

In 1642, aged twenty-six, Harrison enlisted in the earl of Essex's lifeguard to wage war against the king. The following year he went with Charles Fleetwood to fight in the earl of Manchester's army in the eastern association, evidently because the religious atmosphere there was more to his liking. ‘Look’, wrote an angry presbyterian, ‘on Col. Flettwoods regiment with his Major Harreson, what a cluster of preaching offecers and troopers ther is’ (D. Masson, ed., The Quarrel between the Earl of Manchester and Oliver Cromwell, CS, new ser., 12, 1875, 72). He fought at Marston Moor (2 July 1644), and was sent after the battle to report to the committee of both kingdoms, and, to the annoyance of the Scots, ‘to trumpett over all the city’ the praises of Cromwell and the Independents (R. Baillie, Letters and Journals, ed. D. Laing, 3 vols., 1841, 2.209).

Harrison joined the New Model Army at the time of its founding in early 1645. He saw action at Naseby and Langport, at the captures of Winchester and Basing, and at the siege of Oxford. At Langport Richard Baxter stood beside Harrison on a hill opposite the New Model horse and musketeers who were driving Goring's army from its positions. He heard him ‘with a loud voice break forth into the praises of God with fluent expressions, as if he had been in a rapture’ (Reliquiae Baxterianae, 54). At the storming of Basing Harrison killed with his own hands Major Cuffle, ‘a notorious papist’, and ‘one Robinson, son to the clowne of Blackfriers playhouse, … as they were getting over the workes’ (J. Sprigge, Anglia rediviva, 1647, 139; Mercurius Civicus, 9–16 Oct 1645, 1202). A royalist writer later accused Harrison of shooting Major Robinson with a pistol after he had laid down his arms, saying ‘cursed is he that doeth the work of the Lord negligently’ (J. Wright, Historia histrionica, 1699, 7–8). Given the New Model Army's usual respect for the laws of war the story is implausible.

In 1646 Harrison was elected to the Long Parliament as recruiter MP for Wendover. In the same year he married his cousin Catherine Harrison, the daughter of his father's brother Ralph Harrison, a woollen draper in Watling Street, London. Although Harrison and his wife settled in Highgate, they attended the church of St Ann Blackfriars, which by 1650 housed a Fifth Monarchist congregation. Their three children were buried there in 1649, 1652, and 1653.

The army revolt of 1647

By 1646 Harrison's military reputation had risen to such a height that when Lord Lisle was appointed lord lieutenant of Ireland he asked for Harrison to serve under him. Within four months he had returned to England, and was thanked by the Commons for his services. But when parliament provoked a revolt in the army by ordering the soldiers to disband or be shipped to Ireland with only a token payment of their arrears, Harrison sided with his comrades. He signed the letter of the officers to the City of 10 June 1647 and was one of those appointed by Fairfax to treat with the parliamentary commissioners. When Colonel Sheffield opted to back parliament in this conflict Fairfax gave the command of his horse regiment to Harrison. Harrison was absent from the debates of the army's general council at Putney in late October and early November. He was, however, named to the committee that drew up the army's engagement for Sir Thomas Fairfax to present to the three rendezvous of the army in mid-November. He used the opportunity to testify that it ‘lay upon his spiritt … that the king was a man of bloud’ who ought to be prosecuted for his crimes (Firth, Clarke Papers, 1.417). It was not the first time that this label had been applied to Charles I, but it contributed to the king's decision to flee Hampton Court for the relative safety of the Isle of Wight. Harrison further disclosed his radical political views by opposing further negotiations with the king and speaking against the veto power of the House of Lords.

The second civil war, the Levellers, and religion

During the second civil war Harrison served in the northern army under Major-General John Lambert. On 17 July 1648 he exhibited notable bravery when Langdale surprised Lambert's quarters at Appleby. With a few troopers he checked the enemy's advance, ‘and being more forward and bold then his men did second him; having hold himself of one of his enemy's horse colours he received three wounds’ (Rushworth, 7.1201). By November he was actively negotiating with John Lilburne a reconciliation between the army leaders and the Levellers, and agreed on behalf of the officers to the Leveller proposal for a committee of sixteen to draft a second version of the Agreement of the People. For the moment he supported the projected constitution for England, but was acutely conscious of the conflict between the effort to settle the state in the light of human prudence and his own conviction that it was God's evident purpose to supersede all merely ‘carnal’ government. He attempted to persuade the Levellers that before the agreement could be perfected it was necessary for the army to invade London and prevent parliament from concluding a treaty with the king. Such a treaty would entail the disbandment of the army, with the consequence ‘that you will be destroyed as well as we’ (Lilburne, 32). Moreover, he was sure that eventually the agreement would prove unsatisfactory to God's purpose. ‘Our Agreement shall bee from God, and nott from men’ (Firth, Clarke Papers, 2.186).

Religion is the key to understanding both Harrison's military and political careers. A puritan of the most zealous, millenarian stamp, he would emerge in the 1650s as a leader of the Fifth Monarchist movement. Baxter relates that when he attempted to argue against antinomianism and Anabaptism with him:
he would not dispute with me at all, but he would in good discourse very fluently pour out himself in the extolling of Freegrace, which was savoury to those that had right principles, though he had some misunderstandings of freegrace himself. (Reliquiae Baxterianae, 54)
Harrison shared the Fifth Monarchist readiness to take up arms to usher in the kingdom of heaven on earth. To Edmund Ludlow he quoted the apocalyptic book of Daniel (7: 18) that ‘the saints … shall take the kingdom’, ‘to which he added another to the same effect, “That the kingdom shall not be left to another people”’ (Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, 2.7–8).

The trial and execution of Charles I

Few men were more bent on destroying the king than Harrison. He personally escorted Charles from Hurst Castle to London to stand trial. Charles, who had heard a report that Harrison wanted to assassinate him, was none the less attracted by his soldierly bearing and his fine clothes. Harrison assured the king that the report was untrue; what he had really said was ‘that the law was equally obliging to great and small, and that justice had no respect of persons’ (Herbert, 142). Appointed to the high court of justice, Harrison attended nearly every meeting, and signed the death warrant [see also ]. He also supervised the king's funeral, and was paid £100 to cover his expenses (BL, Add. MS 63788B, fol. 60). Publicly he never doubted the justness of his action, and went to his death proclaiming that God had willed the king's execution. One may wonder if Harrison the providentialist, or his wife, might have entertained private doubts about the regicide, given that his first-born son died and was buried at almost the same time as the king.

The republic, 1649–1653, and the monarchy of Christ

At the army's prayer meeting prior to the departure of Cromwell's expedition to Ireland Harrison ‘expounded some places of scripture excellently well and pertinent to the occasion’ (Whitelocke, 3.66). He did not travel to Ireland on this occasion but remained in England, where he was entrusted with high military and political responsibility for the next four years. General Fairfax appointed him commander-in-chief of the Commonwealth's forces in the counties of Monmouthshire, Glamorgan, Brecknockshire, Radnorshire, Cardiganshire, Carmarthenshire, Herefordshire, and parts of Gloucestershire. In 1650 he was given command of the forces in England during Cromwell's absence in Scotland, and in July of the same year was made lieutenant of the ordnance. He was nominated to the council of state when it was first constituted in January 1649, though he was not actually elected to it until 10 February 1651. In June 1650 he was one of those designated by the council of state to persuade Fairfax to lead the expedition to Scotland. When Fairfax demurred and Cromwell had to be sent instead, Harrison wrote the latter a letter which illustrates the intimate friendship between the two men. ‘I know yow love me’, he declared, and then cited scriptural authority for faith and prayer as the ‘cheife engines’ of military success, witnessed by ‘the ancient Worthies [who] through Faith subdued Kingdomes, out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiaunt in fight, and turned to flight the armies of the Aliens’ (Ellis, 3.353–4).

On 22 October 1650 Harrison reviewed the newly raised militia forces in Hyde Park. The following March rumours of plots in the north prompted the council of state to dispatch him to the border with 2500 fresh cavalry of doubtful quality.

In the summer of 1651 Charles II marched into England at the head of a Scottish army. Cromwell instructed Harrison to ‘attend the motions of the enemy, and endeavour the keeping of them together, as also to impede his march’ (Cary, 2.294). On 13 August Harrison joined Lambert and the cavalry detached from Cromwell's army at Preston, and attempted unsuccessfully to stop the royalists at Knutsford. He then took part in the battle of Worcester (3 September) and was given the job of pursuing the fleeing royalists. He completed the assignment so energetically and skilfully that few royalists escaped.

Like Cromwell, Harrison interpreted the crushing victory at Worcester as a mandate for ‘establishing the ways of righteousness and justice, yet more relieving the oppressed, and opening a wide door to the publishing the everlasting gospel of our only Lord and Saviour’ (Cary, 2.375). His own appetite for justice had been revealed in 1650 when he obtained the expulsion of Edward, Lord Howard of Escrick, from parliament for taking bribes to excuse royalists from sequestration and composition fines. More contentiously, he took the lead in having Gregory Clement excluded for adultery in May 1652. These actions lost him a number of political friends.

For his part Harrison grew more and more hostile to the Rump, as the Long Parliament was coming to be known. In December 1651 he attended the conference on the settlement of the kingdom organized by Cromwell, and he was one of the promoters of the army's blueprint for reform: its petition to parliament of August 1652. Among other things the petition called for law reform, the more effective propagation of the gospel, the elimination of tithes, and speedy elections for a new parliament. When the Rump failed to act on these items, Harrison began to press for its dissolution. He was too avid for Cromwell's taste. Harrison ‘is an honest man, and aims at good things’, Cromwell was heard to say, ‘yet from the impatience of his spirit will not wait the Lord's leisure, but hurries me on to that which he and all honest men will have cause to repent’ (Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, 1.346). Harrison himself explained to Ludlow some years later that he had assisted in the expulsion of the Rump ‘because he was fully persuaded they had not a heart to do any more good for the Lord and his people’ (ibid., 2.6). The last straw for him was the Rump's refusal, on 1 April 1653, to renew the mandate of the commission for the propagation of the gospel in Wales. The commission had been created in 1650 under the leadership of Harrison, a number of other zealous army officers, and several tirelessly evangelical Welsh pastors, most notably Vavasour Powell. Among its achievements were the rooting out of royalist and scandalous clergy and the planting of a preaching ministry in their place, the extension of English law and culture, and the propagation of millenarian ideas. Proof of the subduing of Welsh royalism was Harrison's feat of recruiting a large local militia from the Welsh saints in 1651 for the battle of Worcester. In contrast to the first civil war, when the Welsh had almost formed the backbone of Charles I's infantry, they supplied almost no recruits for the invading army of his son. But by 1653 parliament had become darkly suspicious of Harrison's power base in Wales, and was alarmed by rumours that he had ‘underhandedly listed 40,000 men and … sworn them to be true to him’ (Bodl. Oxf., MS Clarendon 45, fol. 206).

Parliament's decision to jettison the Welsh commission was decisive in swinging Harrison over to the militant wing of the Fifth Monarchist movement, which wanted to do away with parliaments as well as princes. What brought Cromwell to the same position with regard to parliament was its decision to proceed with elections for a new representative without any of the safeguards deemed essential by the army. When Cromwell arrived in the middle of the debate on the morning of 20 April Harrison was already ‘most sweetly and humbly’ exhorting the MPs to lay aside the bill for new elections (Parliamentary or Constitutional History, 20.130). Just as the question was about to be put on the bill Cromwell leaned over to Harrison and whispered, ‘This is the time I must do it’ (Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, 1.352). Harrison later maintained that he had not known of Cromwell's intention until then, but contemporary accounts give the impression that the two men were already hand in glove at this moment (Moderate Publisher, 15–22 April 1653, 813; Several Proceedings in Parliament, 14–21 April 1653, 2944). After Cromwell had delivered his tirade against the Rump he shouted to Harrison to ‘call them in’, and twenty or thirty musketeers filed in to clear the house, with Harrison pulling Speaker William Lenthall by the gown to make him vacate his seat (De L'Isle and Dudley MSS, 6.615).

Authority was now temporarily vested in the hands of a small council of thirteen persons nominated by the officers, with Harrison acting as its president during the third week of its existence. It was during these months that he attained the zenith of his political influence. In the debate over how to reshape the sovereign power in the wake of the Long Parliament's demise he argued for an assembly of seventy, on the Old Testament model of the Jewish Sanhedrin. In the event the officers of the army summoned a body twice that large, augmented by five co-opted members, of whom Harrison was one. He had been instrumental in the nomination of several Welsh saints and four members of his own Fifth Monarchist sect, as well as getting himself elected to the new council of state, both in July and December. Known as Barebone's Parliament, the nominated assembly grappled with several of Harrison's favourite issues: tithes, law reform, the excise tax, and the war with the Netherlands. He pressed for the immediate abolition of tithes, but was unable to avert the question being shunted into a committee. In August the house passed resolutions for the abolition of the court of chancery and the framing of a completely new body of law. Harrison was appointed to the committee to embody these resolutions into statutes, but no statutes materialized. He was also named to the excise committee, in the expectation that the tax would soon be eliminated, but the expectation was never fulfilled.

There are several reasons for the failure of the radical agenda in Barebone's Parliament, but among them must be counted Harrison's lack of political aptitude, his impatience with committee work, and his reluctance to undertake the hard slogging required to accomplish significant change. His record of attendance, in both the council of state and parliament, was spotty. More exciting to him than tedious parliamentary debates were the Monday prayer meetings at St Ann Blackfriars, where the fiery preaching of Christopher Feake and John Rogers furnished heady inspiration. More appealing than boring meetings of the council of state were the Fifth Monarchist gatherings at Arthur Squibb's house in Fleet Street to plot political strategy. Inflamed by the millenarian vision of the imminent overthrow of Antichrist, Harrison and his friends campaigned for the continued prosecution of the war against the Dutch. It was their conviction that the civil war in England had merely begun the overturning of Antichrist, and that England's duty was to carry the struggle across the lands of Europe until Rome itself had fallen. The Netherlands, because of its materialism and pursuit of wealth, had betrayed this calling, and so they called down the wrath of God upon that nation. In the words of a royalist news-writer, Harrison ‘choaked the poore cittizens’ with propaganda, preaching that ‘when we have beaten the Dutch … the whole world should saile into this Commonwealth; … the Dutch must be destroyed; and we shall have an heaven upon earth’ (Bodl. Oxf., MS Clarendon 45, fol. 380v). Cromwell, because he desired peace with the Netherlands, also became the target of radical vituperation. By late November 1653 he and Harrison were near to an open breach. Cromwell sent for Harrison several times in early December, but Harrison was deaf to his overtures.

The protectorate and political exile, 1654–1659

The decision by the moderate majority in Barebone's to surrender its authority to Cromwell was fiercely opposed by Harrison and his faction. Barebone's dissolution also marked the effective end of his political career. Before the end of December 1653 he had been deprived of his military commission, and two months later he was ordered to retire to Staffordshire.

In spite of his various shortcomings, few apart from the Levellers and Lucy Hutchinson ever questioned Harrison's integrity. Never found guilty of peculation or dishonest dealing of any kind, he was nevertheless labelled a ‘gilded’ hypocrite by John Lilburne for his initial encouragement of the Levellers, followed by his part in crushing them at Burford in May 1649, and then his acceptance of the honorary degree of master of arts at Oxford for his reward (Lilburne, 31). Mrs Hutchinson scolded him for exhorting his fellow MPs to dress in sober puritan garb to welcome visiting ambassadors and then turning up the next day fitted out ‘in a scarlett coate and cloake, both laden with gold and silver lace, and the coate so cover'd with clinquant that scarcely could one discerne the ground, and in this glittering habit sett himselfe just under the Speaker's chaire’ (Hutchinson, 197).

Like many leading revolutionaries Harrison took advantage of his position to enrich himself. With his own and other soldiers' arrears debentures he acquired three crown properties: part of Marylebone Park and the manor of Tottenham, in Middlesex, and the manor of Newcastle under Lyme in his native Staffordshire. He also acquired dean and chapter land and crown fee farm rents in Middlesex and Staffordshire respectively. The total value of confiscated lands which he is known to have bought and kept during the interregnum was well over £13,000.

With the adoption of the ‘Instrument of government’ in December 1653 Harrison effectively became an exile within his own country. Looking back later on the six years from the beginning of the protectorate until the Restoration he explained:
when I found those that were as the apple of mine eye to turn aside, I did loathe them and suffer'd imprisonment many years. Rather than to turn as many did, that did put their hands to the plough, I chose rather to be separated from wife and family than to have compliance with them, tho' it was said ‘sit at my right-hand’ and such kind expressions. (Hargrave, 1.320)
In the elections to the first protectorate parliament Harrison was said to have been chosen in eight different constituencies. Fifth Monarchists planned to circulate a petition in the army and then have Harrison present it to parliament. The petition stated that the protectoral regime was worse than that of Charles I, exhorted parliament to extirpate the new tyranny, and called for a ‘state of perfect liberty’ (Bodl. Oxf., MS Clarendon 49, fols. 58v, 59). Cromwell had Harrison arrested, to be released a few days later with a friendly warning ‘not to persevere in those evil ways whose end is destruction’ (Thurloe, State papers, 2.606).

In February 1655 an informer told the government that Harrison, Feake, and Rogers were involved in a fresh plot against it. Cromwell summoned them before him, but, far from pledging not to attack the government, they asserted that ‘armes may bee taken upp againste it’ (Firth, Clarke Papers, 2.244). After being placed under house arrest for a few days Harrison was lodged in Portland Castle. In March 1656 he was released and allowed to live at Highgate with his family. In the parliamentary elections of that year, despite the pressures of the major-generals, Harrison was apparently elected, though not permitted to sit. Fifth Monarchist agitation continued in 1657, Harrison's house being one of the main rendezvous, although he was not directly implicated in Venner's conspiracy. Again placed under arrest, Harrison was this time sent to Pendennis Castle. In July he was released again and freed from all remaining restrictions.

In February 1658, however, a more dangerous plot came to light, in which Harrison was allegedly embroiled, and he was again sent to the Tower. In the summer of 1659, with the overthrow of the protectorate, the Fifth Monarchists experienced a sudden accession of strength. There were rumours of an intended insurrection in which Harrison was said to be deeply implicated. The restored Rump had barred him from office as punishment for his role in their fall in 1653; nevertheless, he appears to have taken no part in politics during the year leading up to the Restoration. His inactivity may have been due to declining health brought on by his wounds and bouts of imprisonment.

Trial and execution

On the eve of the Restoration Harrison refused to pledge not to disturb the government or to save his life by flight. He was accordingly arrested at his house in Staffordshire and taken to the Tower of London. One of seven people originally excepted from Charles II's promised Act of Indemnity, he was among the first to be brought to trial.

Harrison's trial and execution were the climactic episode of his life. At his trial he asserted that he had acted in the name of the parliament of England and by their authority. ‘Maybe I might be a little mistaken, but I did it all according to the best of my understanding, desiring to make the revealed will of God in his holy scriptures as a guide to me’ (Hargrave, 320). Convicted and condemned to the gruesome death reserved for traitors, he remained unshaken in his confidence that the overthrow of the revolution was but a temporary setback for the godly. On 13 October 1660 he was taken on a sledge to Charing Cross, the place appointed for his sufferings. ‘Where is your good old cause now?’, jeered a bystander on the way. ‘With a cheerefull smile [Harrison] clapt his hands on his brest and sayd, Heere It Is, And I Goe To Seale It With My Blood’ (E. Ludlow, A Voyce from the Watch Tower: Part Five, 1660–1662, ed. A. B. Worden, CS, 4th ser., 21, 1978, 215). Speaking from the scaffold, he refused to explain away his part in the regicide, boldly affirming that ‘being so clear in the thing, I durst not turn my back, nor step a foot out of the way, by reason I had been engaged in the service of so glorious and great a God’. ‘The finger of God’, he went on:
hath been amongst us of late years in the deliverance of his people from their oppressors, and in bringing to judgement those that were guilty of the precious blood of the dear servants of the Lord … Be not discouraged by reason of the cloud that now is upon you, for the Sun will shine and God will give a testimony unto what he hath been doing in a short time. (W. S., 17, 19, 21)
Pepys, who was there, commented on the cheerfulness with which he suffered, while a royalist observer was dismayed by his hardness of heart. His hands and knees were seen to tremble on the scaffold, but Harrison explained that ‘It is by reason of much blood I have lost in the wars, and many wounds I have received in my body’ (ibid., 18). According to Ludlow the sentence of hanging, drawing, and quartering ‘was so barbously executed, that he was cut down alive, and saw his bowels thrown into the fire’ (Memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, 2.305). According to another account, as he was being quartered he struggled to his feet and boxed the executioner about the ears. In order to terrify the next condemned regicides Harrison's decapitated head was placed on the sledge which drew John Cook to his execution three days later. It was then stuck on a pole in Westminster Hall, while each of his quarters was fastened to one of the City's gates.

Harrison's fearlessness at the end enhanced his reputation as a martyr in radical circles, and a report spread that he was soon to rise again, judge his judges, and restore the kingdom of the saints. He continues to stir the imagination of later centuries not only because of his courage, but also because of his decisiveness as a man of action and his integrity. A convinced regicide, he was motivated by a profound religiosity, which found expression in a millennial yearning for the reign of Christ on earth. In conscious opposition to Levellers and republicans he proclaimed his belief in the theocratic rule of the saints. The closest he came to realizing that vision was in 1653 with the calling of Barebone's Parliament. However, his deficiencies as a political leader, added to his lack of patience for administrative routine, helped to condemn the experiment in theocracy to failure. His enduring mark on the historical record derives from his key role in bringing one king to the scaffold, and his fearless surrendering of his life in defiance of the next.

Ian J. Gentles

Sources  

C. H. Firth, ‘A memoir of Major-General Thomas Harrison’, Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, new ser., 8 (1893), 390–464 · B. S. Capp, The Fifth Monarchy Men: a study in seventeenth-century English millenarianism (1972) · I. Gentles, The New Model Army in England, Ireland, and Scotland, 1645–1653 (1992) · The memoirs of Edmund Ludlow, ed. C. H. Firth, 2 vols. (1894) · J. Lilburne, The legall fundamentall liberties of the people of England (1649) · Reliquiae Baxterianae, or, Mr Richard Baxter's narrative of the most memorable passages of his life and times, ed. M. Sylvester, 1 vol. in 3 pts (1696) · Bodl. Oxf., MSS Clarendon 45, 49 · W. S., A compleat collection of the lives, speeches … letters and prayers of those persons lately executed (1661) · F. Hargrave, ed., A complete collection of state-trials, 4th edn, 11 vols. (1776–81), vol. 1 · The Clarke papers, ed. C. H. Firth, 1, CS, new ser., 49 (1891) · The Clarke Papers, ed. C. H. Firth, 2, CS, new ser., 54 (1894) · Report on the manuscripts of Lord De L'Isle and Dudley, 6, HMC, 77 (1966) · J. Rushworth, Historical collections, new edn, 7 (1721) · TNA: PRO, exchequer, certificates of the sale of crown land, E 121/3/4/39, 40; E 121/4/6/112 · TNA: PRO, exchequer, deeds of sale, fee farm rents (interregnum), E 307, box 11/H4/5 · TNA: PRO, chancery close rolls, C 54/3545/38; 54/3713/11 · crown estate office, surveyor-general's books of constats, 1660–61, TNA: PRO, CRES 6/2, fols. 224–6 · L. Hutchinson, Memoirs of the life of Colonel Hutchinson, ed. J. Sutherland (1973) · T. Herbert, Memoirs of the two last years of the reign of King Charles I, another edn (1813) · H. Cary, ed., Memorials of the great civil war in England from 1646 to 1652, 2 vols. (1842) · BL, Civil War MSS, Add. MS 63788B, fol. 60 · B. Whitelocke, Memorials of English affairs, new edn, 4 vols. (1853) · H. Ellis, ed., Original letters illustrative of English history, 2nd ser., 3 (1827) · Moderate Publisher (15–22 April 1653), 813 · Several Proceedings in Parliament (14–21 April 1653), 2944 · Thurloe, State papers · The parliamentary or constitutional history of England, 2nd edn, 24 vols. (1751–62), vol. 20 · C. H. Firth and G. Davies, The regimental history of Cromwell's army, 2 vols. (1940) · T. Pape, Newcastle-under-Lyme in Tudor and early Stuart times, Publications of the University of Manchester, no. 261: Historical Series, 75 (1938) · F. J. Varley, Major-General Thomas Harrison (1939) · I. Gentles, ‘The debentures market and military purchases of crown land, 1649–1660’, PhD diss., U. Lond., 1969

Likenesses  

M. van der Gucht, pubd 1713, BM, NPG; repro. in Ward, History of the rebellion (1713) · engraving, BL, Civil War MSS, Add. MS 63788A, fol. 9 · portrait, repro. in E. Hyde, earl of Clarendon, History of the rebellion and civil wars in England (1717)

Wealth at death  

none, as a convicted traitor; before conviction, approx. £17,000—capital value of lands (crown, dean and chapter, and fee farm rents): exchequer, certificates of the sale of crown land, TNA: PRO, E 121/3/4/39, 40; E 121/4/6/112; chancery, close rolls, TNA: PRO, C 54/3545/38; 54/3713/11; exchequer, deeds of sale, fee rents (interregnum), TNA: PRO, E307, box 11/H4/5; crown estate office, surveyor-general's books of constats, 1660–61, TNA: PRO, CRES 6/2, fols. 224–6